Men with Chests

“In a sort of ghastly simplicity we remove the organ and demand the function. We make men without chests and expect of them virtue and enterprise. We laugh at honour and are shocked to find traitors in our midst. We castrate and bid the geldings be fruitful.”

(C.S. Lewis)

My last blog post explored the different meanings attributed to love by two of the 19th century’s deepest thinkers. To Friedrich Nietzsche love was a delusion, while to Fyodor Dostoyevski it was the meaning of life. Nietzsche saw in it the urge of the self to possess another, while Dostoyevski viewed it as the giving of oneself to the other. There could hardly be a starker contrast: either love is the will to power in disguise, or it is true self-sacrifice. Their contrasting views on love are rooted in a more fundamental clash between their conceptions of the human person which has transformative implications for the way in which we perceive ourselves and those around us. This post will explore these implications and show how they tie into one of the defining quests of our time: the search for a healthy masculinity.

Beliefs and Behaviours

It seems mysterious how two men as profound as Nietzsche and Dostoyevski, who lived during roughly the same period of time, experienced some remarkably similar twists of fate, and were drawn to similar themes in their work, could nevertheless arrive at such completely opposite views of the world. It is precisely because the clash between their world-views goes all the way down, that it matters so much. Ideas have consequences. They shape how we see the world around us, and the way in which we interact with it. To say that history is full of examples of this would be an understatement. History itself is the example. If a person believes that civilisation is upheld by the whims of a sun god, they will do anything to secure the sun god’s favour. And if staving off the apocalypse happens to involve ritual human sacrifice, they will cheer when the priest rips out the heart of a victim and throws its severed head down the steps of a great pyramid. It would be a mistake to conclude that our modern lives aren’t profoundly shaped by basic beliefs about the world just because we have left behind archaic religion. It is true that a scepticism of grand narratives seems to be characteristic of our age and that city life can seem mundane when compared to the bloody rituals of ancient Mexico. Yet, our behaviour today is no less conditioned by the ways in which we see the world than that of our ancestors. Failing to understand that we can’t not act in accordance with some basic beliefs about the world, makes it impossible to identify which basic beliefs we are acting on at any moment. Modern man may believe that he has outgrown religion, but what really distinguishes him from his ancestors is that he is unaware of how thoroughly his daily life is shaped by quasi-religious beliefs about the nature of the world.

In the modern West, peoples’ basic beliefs seem to have moved towards a kind of materialist individualism. Reality viewed as restricted to the realm of observable objects, and truth as discoverable exclusively by way of the scientific method. For now, we don’t need to explore the implications of the fact that these beliefs are themselves not based on the scientific-method. Instead, let us note that in contrast to scientific truths, which are held to be objective, moral truths are viewed as purely subjective since they cannot be discovered by scientific experiment. Questioning another’s values is always non-sensical and often seen as inherently offensive. After all, since there are no objective truths that could serve as a guide towards common ground, all that disagreement about morality can amount to is the assertion of one’s feelings as superior to those of someone else. Where scientific reality is external and can be discovered, moral values are internal and can only be asserted. While we don’t get to create our own laws of nature, we do get to create our own values. While these beliefs do not tend to promote human sacrifice to the sun-god, they do have far-reaching consequences for how we view ourselves, our relationships and our communities.

Digging Up the Relational Person

To begin sorting out the situation we find ourselves in today we need to look at how the modern view of the “self” contrast with an earlier one. Unearthing this classical view of the human person will inevitably involve a brief (but very rewarding) foray into philosophy. To oversimplify, since the end of the middle-ages the defining dynamic in the West has been what Jacques Barzun called “emancipation”- the progressive liberation of the individual from unchosen bonds. Premised on a view of the human person as naturally abstract from social relationships, this dynamic rejected conceptions of the human person as naturally social. Its authors had pictured the human person as enmeshed in a layered tapestry of social relations starting with the family and reaching up to the (city-) state. Viewing the reconciliation of the person with these various levels of community as essential to the “good life” it described freedom as the ability to choose that which conduced to one’s flourishing as a human person situated in a rich social context. Only as part of communities could humans according to Aristotle live up to their potential. The implications of these basic elements of ancient Greek philosophy became fully evident only much later, when they were brought to completion in light of scholastic thought.

Building on Aristotle, Thomas Aquinas conceived the human person not as abstract, but as profoundly relational. His view of the human person formed part of his wider metaphysics of being as intrinsically relational. What matters for our purposes (you can find a potentially life-changing piece on this here), is that Aquinas saw all existing things as intrinsically active and self-communicative. All existing things are, by virtue of their existence, actively being. Existence is active. In addition, it is self -communicative: by existing, things continuously interact with their environment. They actively “communicate” themselves by giving something of themselves to their surroundings- forming a network of relations with them. For example, falling rain might communicate itself to the grass below it by nourishing it (you can tell that I dropped biology very early). It might communicate itself simultaneously to the laundry someone hang up to dry outside, and to countless other things. An asteroid falling onto the earth will cause a dramatic impact where it lands by communicating some of itself, some of its own properties, to our planet’s surface. Both the drops of rain and the asteroid also communicate themselves to the human mind as phenomena which we can study and understand. While all existing things are actively being themselves and actively self-communicative, only one kind of thing on earth is capable of becoming conscious of its essential relationality, and of willing it. That thing is the human person.

On this view, willing one’s inherent relationality means voluntarily giving oneself. When directed at other persons, this willing act of self-giving becomes love. Paradoxically, it is not by turning inwards, but by moving away from oneself, by giving oneself to the other, that we arrive at ourselves and find what we were meant for. This view of the “relational self” is echoed in Dostoyevski and matches the definition of “Dostoyevski Love” as ‘self-giving’ from my last post. This parallel is not accidental. Both “Dostoyevski Love” and the view of the “self” it is rooted in, embrace relationality and clash with a modern individualist ethos that sees the human person as a kind of free-floating atom whose fulfilment lies in self-assertion rather than in self-giving.

Atomising the Self

Rather than viewing humans as fundamentally relational persons, whose good lies in social flourishing, philosophy began to conceive humans as fundamentally abstract individuals, metaphysically independent from each other as well as from a natural pattern of being. This break set the stage for successive attempts by Western philosophers to justify the thoroughly Christian morality they inherited without reference to a natural order. As Alasdair MacIntyre pointed out, however, these attempts ultimately failed because their authors were unaware of the extent to which they continued relying on quasi-religious beliefs. It was Nietzsche who finally exposed these hidden religious assumptions. In his radical conclusions, he merely recognised the consequences of philosophy’s turn away from the relational person towards the “atomised self” and the parallel abandonment of natural order as a measure for human action.

According to the classical tradition beginning in ancient Greece and culminating in the medieval universities, the path to human flourishing was to conform one’s life to an underlying pattern of reality corresponding with truth and order. Not the simple assertion of your will to get what you feel like you need, but conforming your will to this order, this underlying structure of reality, was taken to be the way to the good life. This idea can be found with striking similarity in Indian, far-eastern and European traditions, which used terms like “Dao” and “Logos” to describe the creative pattern of reality. Where humans conform with the Dao/Logos, participating in it, they were taken to walk the right path and to thrive. If the existence of the Dao/Logos is agreed on, questions about value judgements can be approached with reference to this reality as containing objective value. Where its existence is rejected on the other hand, humans can no more seek their place within a pre-existing cosmic pattern, than they can attempt to orient their judgements by reference to a common objective standard. As Nietzsche concluded, since there is no Dao/Logos to conform one’s will to, one’s will itself becomes primary. The authority of the Dao/Logos over the relational person is usurped by the primacy of the atomised individual’s will. Christianity, according to Nietzsche was a slave-religion designed to prevent the strong from thriving. By holding the most vigorous among us in check, it had stunted humanity and exalted weakness. He believed that the time had come to rid ourselves from its morbid constraints and unleash the vitality of those with the strength to carry out their will.

From Nietzsche to Emotivism

However, Nietzsche’s conclusion was too much for a West that had by then thoroughly internalised Christian habits. One of the main reasons why 20th century Fascism seems so strange and repulsive to us is that it openly glorified strength and power as such, endorsing ruthless violence against the weak. People were prepared to reject the Dao/Logos but did their best to ignore the Nietzschean consequences of this choice. Instead, there emerged a belief that we each get to develop our own moral compasses based on our feelings. As Alasdair Macintyre noted, “Emotivism”, or the grounding of moral standards in one’s (necessarily subjective) emotions, is the ascendant moral framework of our times, even though most Emotivists have probably never heard the term before. If you think that when someone says that supplying arms to Ukraine is right, they really mean that the thought of supplying arms to Ukraine feels good to them, you are an Emotivist. Two seemingly paradoxical consequences follow from this belief: tribal loyalty to one’s in-group, and a deep cynicism about all value judgements.

A basic feature of Emotivism is that it doesn’t allow for constructive discussions about value judgements. There’s no reason to bother trying to understand the other side or to even keep an open mind, if the only basis for your value judgements lies in your own feelings. If value judgements are ultimately based on nothing but brain chemistry, there isn’t anything objective (outside of our brains) to agree about. Of course, you can still try to manipulate someone’s brain chemistry through clever rhetoric or tailored advertisements, but discussing questions of value makes no sense if value is exclusively a product of one’s subjective state of mind. Belief in Emotivism therefore tends to lead people with opposing views to simply shout at each other, refusing to even consider the possibility of common ground. People form tribal groups with others who share their feelings and then try to assert their claims against the political enemy in a kind of war. The label “culture war” is not accidental. The tribal fervour with which culture warriors go at it contrasts sharply with the bloodless cynicism which is the second mark of Emotivism.

The Good, the Bad and the Ugly

While the culture wars seem to have metastasized from the US, sucking ever more attention into their black hole, the opposing sides have never managed to mobilise more than a fraction of the population. Only a minority of European citizens feels existentially involved in the culture wars. The Emotivists’ cynicism about value judgements on the other hand has achieved a much wider prevalence even among people who have shown no interest in waging toxic online debates. Being cynical about value is only natural if all it can possibly mean is that chemical reactions inside someone’s brain make them feel a certain way about something.  

This cynical attitude extends beyond just morality and undermines all kinds of value judgements. It is inconceivable that a building might be beautiful. You’re just feeling warm and fuzzy when looking at it.  There is nothing in the Parthenon itself that makes it more appropriate to feel pleased by its sight than by that of a garbage dump. Nothing objective distinguishes their aesthetic value. And just like a piece of art can’t be beautiful, so too historical events can’t be glorious or shameful. Yes, people might release different chemicals when thinking about them, but that’s really all there is to it. It hardly needs to be pointed out that this cynicism breeds contempt of all deep emotion. Someone who fully buys into these beliefs might well read about the Spartans who knowingly sacrificed themselves to block the Persian advance at Thermopylae, and remain unmoved. Reacting to this paradigmatic case of heroism, he might even assume something like the attitude of a scientist observing mice in a laboratory. These men, he might theorise, were really just riled up by hard-wired tribal instincts that drove them to risk their lives for their genetic relatives back in Sparta. According to this reductionist view-point, they, like all of us, were simply motivated by the impulse to protect their genetic offspring. Just like nothing can be good or beautiful, nothing can be heroic, glorious, or worthy of imitation when viewed through the Emotivist lens. The world of Emotivism is one-dimensional. The feeling of awe that overcomes people when confronted with greatness of any kind is smugly reduced to a momentary chemical imbalance and thereby delegitimised as lacking any connection to reality. The consequences of this cynicism in the real lives of people today couldn’t be more vicious.

Reconnecting with Reality

The triumph of the atomised self combined with the rejection of Dao/Logos to create a mutually reinforcing cycle with consequences that could hardly have been foreseen at its inception. Having rejected objective value, we have deprived ourselves of the tools to evaluate and create it. Disoriented, we waste attention and lose touch with reality. Power hierarchies are inevitable, yet we endlessly criticise their existence rather than focussing on how to improve their legitimacy. Surrounded by soulless architecture, we resign ourselves to life in hostile surroundings rather than looking for ways to make our communities beautiful. Confronted with toxic behaviour by men, we deny the reality of the sexes rather than asking what a healthy masculinity ought to look like. Power hierarchies, beauty, and sex-differences are, however, universal facts of life. We can deny, denigrate, or ridicule them all we like. In the end, they will not go away because they are integral parts of the structure of reality. What will happen, however, is that which inevitably happens when reality is rejected. Reality proves you wrong. Ten times out of ten, you lose, reality wins. The truth of this is well illustrated by the debate about masculinity.

My previous post on “Love and Power” ended by emphasising the importance of re-focussing the debate onto the outlines of a healthy masculinity rather than wallowing in the exhaustively repeated bromides about masculinity’s inherent toxicity. I argued that this was necessary, simply because masculinity was real and because real things must be dealt with rather than denied, ridiculed, or denigrated. Failure to do so has already left too many young men without strong role-models to guide them onto the right path. Disoriented and rejected, they are vulnerable to those who affirm an exaggerated and caricaturised form of masculinity. The downstream consequences of our turn away from the relational self and towards the atomised individual striving to assert its will is making itself felt whenever a young man gets drawn in by some internet pick-up artist or worse. Each time a young man starts viewing women as objects to be manipulated for the sake of his own gratification, we see in real life what it means to reject the relational self whose fulfilment lies in self-giving. Prioritising yourself can mean very different things depending on whether you view yourself as essentially disconnected from those closest to you or not. Having explored the context of our current predicament and highlighted some of the key drivers shaping it, we must return to the quest for a healthy masculinity in order to sketch a first draft of its outline. If Dostoyevski-Love, the relational self, and the Dao/Logos have gone badly out of fashion in recent times, it is only by rediscovering them- by rediscovering them as real and true- that we can turn the tide.

Sketching a Healthy Masculinity

If there really is a pattern of reality to which we can either be true or false; if this pattern really calls us to find ourselves by giving ourselves for the sake of others; if the meaning of our lives really lies not in imposing our will through power, but in transformative Dostoyevski Love- the implications are staggering. First of all, it means that we don’t live for our own sake alone. That in itself is a profoundly counter-cultural thing to say in an age of pervasive hedonism. If you truly are at the most basic level relational, tied to the pattern of reality and oriented towards self-sacrificial love, the oft-repeated advice to “just do what you feel like” cannot lead to fulfilment. Rather than living an ego-centred life, we must expand our focus to the real ties that bind us to the world, and in particular to the people, around us. As a matter of fact, these ties exist. An Ubermensch capable of actually thriving as an abstract individual has so far failed to appear. We can’t choose to be independent of these ties because we are human. What we can determine is whether the ties that bind us are shackles holding us back or roots giving us the strength to live up to our potential. If we embrace the relational view of the self, it becomes clear that we can only transform our ties into roots if we begin with an attitude of self-giving first. We don’t exist next to each other and separately from each other, but for each other. Not by denying our ties, but by strengthening them do we thrive. Promising independence, the ego-centred life deprives you of roots and ultimately leaves you shackled to the very things you believed would deliver your freedom. To begin our rough draft of a healthy masculinity, we should start by asking how men in particular can serve those closest to them.

As noted in “Love and Power”, there are certain uncontroversial differences in the psychological make-up of the sexes. Among other tendencies, men have on average higher propensities for physical violence and aggression, lower propensities for both negative and positive emotion and a more pronounced willingness to engage in risk-taking behaviour. These psychological characteristics combine with indisputable physical differences such as higher muscle mass and bone density, that make men on average capable of generating more strength and explosive power. While these differences can be overstated and there is of course significant overlap, they are real and especially pronounced at the extremes. What matters, however, is not so much the mere fact of our differences or how they naturally lead to differential outcomes, but how we view them. Too often is difference presented as somehow deleterious, as a product of indoctrination by a self-serving oppressor class or a bigoted system. There can be no doubt that there are plenty of bigots out there or that all human systems are to some degree corrupt. However, diversity is real and the differences listed above are largely innate. They have been observed across time and space in a variety of cultural contexts. We do ourselves just as great a disservice by denying or denigrating them as when we overstate their importance. Instead of stubbornly trying to eradicate natural diversity, a healthy approach would focus on exploring how different potentials can complement each other in responsible service.

Power and Responsibility

It follows from the relational view of persons as existing for each other, that wherever someone’s position in life gives them power over others, that power must be exercised for the other’s sake. In an inversion of the Nietzschean approach, power means responsibility. Whether this power comes in the form of a corporate leadership position, high political office, or a policeman’s badge- its fulfilment lies in those it is meant to serve. For men as a group, the most obvious responsibility derives from their physiology. The growing impact of digital technology on our lives cannot change the fact that we are physical beings. We rely on our bodies and remain as vulnerable as ever to physical threats. The capacity for greater physical violence therefore comes with a responsibility to master one’s propensity for violence. Not strength in itself is good, but meekness- that is, strength restrained. As GK Chesterton said, it is only the truly strong man who can swing a heavy hammer and bring it to a stand-still just before touching a nail. Unrestrained power is a mark of weakness. True strength (i.e. strength that is true to the Dao/Logos), like any form of true power, lies in service to those who lack that strength and power. Any kind of physical violence directed against vulnerable people is therefore a denial of one’s responsibility as a man. The fact that learning to restrain one’s violence is a key part of a healthy masculinity, does not, of course, mean that there are no situations in which physical violence is not only permitted but called for.

It is in these kinds of circumstances that men’s higher capacity for physical violence and their higher propensity for risk-taking can be employed for worthy ends. As the events since February 2022 have made clear, war is still interested in us Europeans, even if we weren’t all too interested in it for the past thirty years. When one’s home is violently invaded, it must be violently defended if it is to be saved. The Ukrainian people, and especially the soldiers fighting at the front, have stepped up to the task. They have done so not for glory’s or power’s sake, but to defend their country, their cities and their families- in other words, that precious network of relations that defines our lives. And there is glory in that. It is in high-stakes situations like these that the broad-brush labelling of men’s on average higher propensity for risk taking as “toxic” becomes especially harmful. It is precisely that propensity that enables hundreds of thousands of brothers, sons and fathers to leave their families behind and put their lives on the line in the pockmarked fields of Zaporizhia. Again, it is not by denying or denigrating the differences that mark men out as a group, but by orienting them towards their proper ends that we can sketch the outlines of a healthy masculinity. A key pillar of that outline is the orientation of risk-taking and aggression towards service of those that rely on its proper exercise. The institution of Chivalry for example might be seen as an attempt to deal with the fact of male aggression by harnessing it to an ideal of masculinity grounded in service. Where aggression is not ordered towards such service, it becomes Machismo.

Chest-Day, Best-Day

The example of Ukraine shows the existential significance of answering the questions connected to male aggression and violence. It would, however, be a mistake to think that questions of self-sacrifice are relevant only in wartime. Beyond the battlefield, too, we show our values by what we are prepared to sacrifice for. What do we value most in our lives? Are our actions aligned with our stated values? Are we backing up our words with the sacrifices required? While it is important to meditate on and find answers to these all-important questions, it is not enough to just think about them. We aren’t computers that can simply execute a given task. We need ideals to inspire us, and courage to keep us going when the odds are not in our favour. In his essay “Men without Chests”, CS Lewis pointed out that the ubiquitous cynicism about emotions made it difficult for young people to build up the emotional strength required to persevere in the face of daunting challenges. Yet, all the greatest things in life require this kind of perseverance. We wonder why young men don’t show more self-sacrifice but make fun of the very concept. We reduce all emotion to mere brain chemistry and wonder why our Europe is the continent in which the fewest young people would be prepared to defend their homes in a war. We demand that men step up but turn masculinity into a joke.

CS Lewis recalled the ancient Greek idea that “the head (reason) rules the belly (emotion) through the chest”, where “emotions (are) organised by trained habit”. CS Lewis noted that contemporary society had completely forgotten about the need for such trained habit because it looked down on all deep emotion. It had, in other words, produced men without chests. Since Lewis wrote his essay our predicament has not improved. To the contrary, both Machismo and the denial of masculinity are on the rise. Grounded in a recognition of humans as existing for each other, a healthy masculinity is one that embraces responsibility. It requires that power be used for the sake of the powerless and in defence of those goods that make life valuable. We should foster the development of the trained habits healthy masculinity relies on and start by recognising that there is a rightful place for deep emotion where it is true to the Dao/Logos. Building these habits will take time, but like the development of one’s physical chest in the gym, it is well worth it. Taking this rough draft of a healthy masculinity as a starting point, a re-focused debate would be a first step for our societies to once again produce men with chests.

Love and Power

Love is one of those things nearly everyone agrees are important and hardly anyone seriously thinks about. Or at least, hardly anyone tries to go beyond the surface. Most of us are happy to echo the words of Justice Potter Stewart in Jacobellis v Ohio, who, refusing to further define the category of hardcore pornography said: “I know it when I see it”. When it comes to love, it is similarly easy to content oneself with simply pointing out examples of it when one sees them in fiction, history, and one’s personal life. Jack preferring to freeze to death in the icy waters of the Atlantic to save Rose’s life. Penelope staying loyal to Odysseus during the twenty years he fought at Troy and journeyed back to Ithaca. Maybe more controversially, King Leonidas sacrificing his own life and that of his men for the sake of slowing down the invading Persians. But what is love? What is it that unites Jack with the mythical King of Ithaca, the real King of Sparta and all of us?

What is Love?

Trying to define love as if it were a chemical element or a law of mathematics is a fool’s errand. Wiser people than me have written libraries about this question. Fool that I am, I of course gladly accept this errand, so let’s see where it leads us. A good place to start is the novel Crime and Punishment. One of the many reasons why Fyodor Dostoyevsky is a real “great” is that he is never too “in your face” when getting his point across. Reading his books never feels like reading manifestos disguised as novels. His novels do contain powerful, even life-changing lessons. But their meaning reaches us obliquely, often in the days and weeks after one has read a certain passage. It feels like his stories plant seeds deep in the reader’s mind that in growing, transform the reader from the inside out. I suspect that Dostoyevsky’s seeds reach so far into people’s hearts, because his stories are so true. His characters are us, and will be us even in the year 2100, when we’ll be asking ChatGPT3000 to project live dating advice on our smart contact lenses. Even in that world, we’ll recognise in ourselves the self-destructive egoism of Raskolnikov and the healing love of Sonia.

Crime and Punishment is a novel about love, but it is not a romance. It doesn’t tell the story of how two passionate lovers overcome difficulties to finally live out the rest of their lives together- happy forever after. Love in Crime and Punishment is hard, bitter, and more often than not deeply painful. There is nothing warm and fuzzy about love in the hellscape of mid-19th century industrial St Petersburg. But what else could love be, if not a pair of rose-coloured glasses? Don’t lovers idealise their beloved? Turning a blind eye to each other’s flaws and even to those of the wider world? Nietzsche certainly seems to have thought so. In his characteristically provocative style, he claims that what we call love is actually just the urge to possess, to “change something into ourselves”. He says that “love is a state in which man sees things in a way they most decidedly are not”, in which we want to make the beloved ours so much that we deceive ourselves about their true character. That’s why Nietzsche also believed that one should really become disenchanted with one’s beloved if they ever loved one back. After all, we all know our own flaws well enough- how could anyone be “modest” or “stupid enough” to love someone as broken as us? Dostoyevsky cuts through this paradox like a Gordian knot. Love on his telling is at bottom not premised on a delusion.

“Dostoyevski-Love”

The lover according to Dostoyevsky sees the beloved clearly as a person with serious, sometimes tragic, flaws, but he loves anyways. He sees the beauty behind the brokenness more clearly than the beloved can and gives himself to the beloved even though he knows it may bring more suffering, even though it may be unclear whether his love will eventually be reciprocated. For long stretches of Crime and Punishment Raskolnikov seems positively disgusted at the love offered by Sonia. He treats it as a sign of weakness or stupidity. It is eery how closely Raskolnikov mirrors Nietzsche despite Dostoyevski never having read any of the German’s works. Only at the end of the novel (spoiler alert) does Raskolnikov realise that it was his own self-hatred that made him look down on the person that loved him most. Only after following the Nietzschean view to the bitter end, and all but going insane, does he see Sonia’s love for what it really was. We may all be deeply flawed and feel undeserving of anyone’s whole-hearted love. No one could look in the mirror and truthfully feel otherwise. Yet, at the same time we are entirely lost without it. The less of it we have in our lives, the more our lives turn into literal hell. That’s where Raskolnikov went, and where countless other young people, disillusioned with life have followed. But Raskolnikov escaped, and he did so by allowing Sonia to give herself to him, in other words, to love him. He opened his heart to the possibility that maybe Sonia wasn’t the deluded child he thought she was. Maybe her love was not just a glorified pursuit of someone that never really existed. Maybe her love was not an escape from reality, but the only the only way to find beauty and meaning in its brokenness.

Rather than the blind and primal urge to possess someone, to make someone into oneself, Dostoyevsky’s love is like an invitation to transform each other, for both lover and beloved to become something new and joint. The act of giving oneself to the other, which seems to be Dostoyevsky’s love, blurs the boundaries between people who each want the other’s good like their own. It requires the courage to endure the pain of seeing a loved one suffer, which sooner or later they inevitably will. It also requires the courage to deal with the risk of seeing everything one has to give be rejected. It doesn’t even seem possible to love this way at all without accepting the necessity of serious suffering. But why even have that courage if the risks are so great? To risk all this is impossible without faith in the power of love to heal broken lives, to turn that suffering into sacrifice. Anyone who experienced what it’s like to have loving parents has some reason to hope that Dostoyevsky’s love is possible. Others may remember situations outside their family life where they experienced how giving oneself transforms one’s life by making it more meaningful. We may never understand what someone who loves us sees in us, but with a little faith we may learn to trust them that there really is something worth loving inside us. And if we trust that we are worthy of love, our self-hatred dies, taking with it the arrogant view of the other as deluded. The way has then been cleared for the kind of loving relationship that transforms lives. Learning to love the other and learning to love oneself are then two sides of the same coin that reinforce each other in a virtuous cycle. Try it, Dostoyevsky seems to say, and find out for yourselves where this path will lead you. It may, he seems to believe, save the whole world. Try the other path, the one where you give yourself only to yourself, and see where that one leads. The courage and faith required for this kind of loving relationship, for the vulnerability inherent in it, are truly daunting. They are especially daunting in today’s context of an increasingly individualist culture and the technology it both generates and feeds on.

The Distraction Trap

The techno-cultural context of dating today is characterised by materialist individualism, confusion about worthy role-models, and the commodification of “love”. It’s a fast world and as relationships become more ephemeral, they are becoming more superficial, too. It’s not just our romantic relationships, but also our relationships with places and to locally rooted communities that match this trend. Technology accelerates our lives, warps time and presents us with ever flashier bits of information. Our attention spans respond by shrinking. Reading a book has become a counter-cultural act. The need for distraction from life is not new- in the 17th century Blaise Pascal noted that people tend to cram their lives with as much “divertissement” as they can find. The problem then and now is that our attention is a limited resource and that some of the greatest goods in life can only be achieved by patiently focussing it over a long time. This kind of patient devotion is something we need to practice throughout our lives if we ever want to outgrow a state of childish impulsiveness and create something of true value. Patient devotion is essential not only to mastering a musical instrument, getting an academic degree, or learning a foreign language, but also, and for our purposes more importantly, for building loving relationships.

With limited time on our hands, and limited attention spans in our minds we cannot possibly have profound relationships with everybody we know. If we tried to do so, we’d end up having equally superficial relationships only. Of course, there’s enough people who are aiming for precisely that. No commitments, no ties, no obligations. Aiming for the freedom to do always anything, they forsake the freedom to ever build anything. Never taking the time for true devotion, they remain blind to their own true worth. Rather than breaking out of meaningless self-centredness by way of hard “Dostoyevski-love” they try to distract themselves from it. Sooner or later, however, the void reasserts itself. We run out of distractions. If there’s something very valuable to be found beyond the merely superficial and fleeting, we need to adjust our aim. But whereto? As humans, we are, according to René Girard, deeply “mimetic” animals: we inevitably imitate others, and in particular their desires. The question of who to imitate, is all important. And here we encounter another serious obstacle: the confusion about what makes a worthy role-models. Since I’m a man (and to limit the word-count of this post), I will focus on what this confusion does to boys and young men.

Role-Models Wanted

In the past decade the debate over “toxic masculinity” has picked up steam and is now waged throughout Europe and North-America. The mere fact of the debate shows that cultural shifts have shattered a previously broad consensus about what masculinity is. “Toxic masculinity” has been used as a label to denounce certain attitudes or types of behaviour, “stereotypically associated with manliness, that often have a negative impact on men, women and society in general” (WebMD). Examples of such unacceptable behaviours include objectifying women, rashly resorting to physical violence or men refusing to show vulnerability even at a cost to their own mental health. However, while the debate over masculinity has succeeded in drawing attention to the harmful effects of out-of-bounds behaviour, it has taken a wrong turn in some important ways. First, the label of “toxic masculinity” has been applied to attitudes and behaviours that are not in themselves harmful, and that might in fact be beneficial “to men, women and society in general”.

Popular definitions of “toxic masculinity” usually include clearly abhorrent behaviours like “sexual aggression against women”, “refusing to help in household duties”, or “glorifying promiscuity (but only in men)”. Side by side with these, however, one can find attitudes like “Stoicism” or items like “risk-taking” and “violence”. These terms are so broad that they cannot be rejected wholesale as hallmarks of a toxic masculinity. To be charitable, it should be noted that there is an important kernel of truth in each. If what is meant by the label “Stoicism” is simply an unwillingness to seek out help in emotionally challenging times, it clearly denotes a harmful attitude. There is nothing glorious in hiding one’s pain, preferring to break rather than appearing vulnerable by asking for support. However, Stoicism primarily stands for a classical school of thought, the principles of which have helped inspire Cognitive Behavioural Therapy, which has been shown to be an effective way of treating a range of different mental health disorders. Marcus Aurelius, Epictetus or Seneca don’t advise readers to shut in their mental anguish or to refrain from calling help when needed. What their writings do provide are ways to build mental resilience and to deal with mental anguish when it arises. Being mentally resilient is not a weakness and it’s certainly not toxic. Violence, too, cannot be condemned as such, since unfortunately there is at times no other way to stop violence, than by responding violently. Should the Ukrainian soldiers currently fighting to defend Ukraine turn to non-violence? Hardly. Neither does emotional volatility or a total inability to be violent make a man an attractive partner in the eyes of most women.

Overly vague definitions of “toxic masculinity” risk leaving boys and young men without orientation. They are born with (on average) markedly higher propensities for physical violence and aggression but are told that both are inherently toxic. They are born with (on average) lower propensities for both negative and positive affect, or emotion, but are told that “Stoicism” is harmful. Certain sex differences in personality traits are well established across cultures and seem to in fact increase in more prosperous societies. Clumsy condemnations of “characteristically male” attitudes risks pushing boys and young men to either deny themselves or drift towards caricatures that proudly double down on the most toxic attitudes associated with manliness. 

Healthy Masculinity

The beliefs of these “manosphere” influencers come right out of the bronze-age. To them masculinity means having three things: money, fame and sex with as many women as possible. They exemplify a turn away from the pursuit of the good, and towards the pursuit of power. “Power”, like “love” is one of those words that we hardly ever really think about despite them being everywhere. If it’s the ability to enforce one’s will, making power one’s aim leaves no place for love, for giving oneself to the other; just for good old self-assertion. Here we can see the Nietzschean urge to make someone into oneself acted out. Its aim is not the good of the other, but the manipulation of the other for one’s own purposes. Humans living the Darwinian lives of bacteria in a petri dish. The relationship advice of these “manosphere” influencers is predictable. It amounts to making women submit to such an extent that they become little more than trophies in their lords’ (social-media) gallery. Trust is good, control is better. It should be clear by now, that these beliefs lend themselves to either sleeping around, or at most the kind of toxic relationship rightly feared by most sane people. Either way, they are incapable of resulting in anything that isn’t shallow and meaningless. By viewing every aspect of their life through the lens of power, they become immune to love. A deep bond based on mutual trust cannot develop as long as one views one’s relationships primarily through the lens of power and domination. It isn’t hard to see that this is no recipe for a fulfilled life. Neither denial of manliness nor its extreme caricature does any good for boys, young men or the women in their lives. The debate surrounding “toxic masculinity” must therefore move on to the positive question of what a “healthy masculinity” looks like.

We need to start focussing on the attitudes and behaviours that make for a healthy masculinity, so as to provide boys and young men with the right kind of role-models. Healthy masculinity makes for healthy men in healthy, loving relationships. Rooted in an understanding of the foundational role that love is meant to play in our lives, it requires men to view their relationships through the lens of love first, turning power into love’s faithful servant. As long as one aims for power, one will never find love. Where both partners view love as primary, the power-balance between them is uninteresting. Where they don’t, it becomes everything. I don’t know exactly where this debate will lead us, but I know that it must centre around the meaning of love and its relationship to power. It matters that we start talking about these questions now, because it will not get easier to find answers as time goes by. Many areas of life have become easier over the past 500 years because of technological innovation- building loving relationships is not one of them. If we truly believe that its worth fostering such relationships, that they in fact are at the heart of a fulfilled life, we need to start today.

Dreaming of Home: Refugees during War and Ethnic Cleansing

As this year begins and there is no end in sight for another bloody war in Europe, we should take a moment to remember the refugees in our midst. It is on us to empathise with their immense suffering- to not allow their pain to isolate them, to make them feel at home. In doing so we can learn from the experience of past generations of refugees. Their struggles contain lessons for those of us who were lucky enough to escape the violence of war.

A Lost World

It was a hot summer day, and except for the sound of the cicadas outside it was perfectly quiet inside the small church. We had spent some time exploring the restored building, and were standing at the centre of the nave when my grandfather asked us to chant a well known hymn to the Virgin Mary. When we began to sing, I knew immediately that this moment would etch itself into my memory.  My family was standing inside the church of the village it used to call home. Until 1974, my grandfather had gone to this church every Sunday. Friends and neighbours had been married at this church, relatives buried in its yard. Then, one day in August, they were forced to leave- driven out of their homes by  an invading army. At the time they believed they’d soon return. To this day, my grandfather carries the medieval looking key to his old house on his keychain.  A daily reminder of a lost world.

It is hard to describe what it felt like to enter a place so familiar and at the same time so strange. How many stories had my grandparents told us about this village;  the old family home and my family’s olive groves surrounding it. The rugged mountains of Pentadaktilos looming above and the beaches of Kyrenia beyond. This was the world of my grandparents’ youth. My grandfather is a great storyteller and I’d grown up imagining that world in vivid detail. Even the happiest stories however, had an undertone of tragedy.  It was impossible to forget even for a moment where the story was bound to lead. The war of 1974 was always there in the background colouring everything that happened before it. You heard about people living in places you knew were lost. Although you could look across the buffer-zone and see them in the distance with your own two eyes, a giant Turkish flag painted on the mountainside right above them left no doubt that these places were out of reach. You can’t return, because there’s an army stationed there, and it won’t let you. Plus, your “family home” is now home to a different family.

The border checkpoints had been open for over a decade, but so far we didn’t want to cross the buffer zone. Why would we? To take a closer look at how strangers controlled our  lands? The thought of visiting one’s own property like a tourist was hard to bear.  Wouldn’t we be playing the role assigned to us by the occupier? Despite these nagging doubts,  this summer we decided to visit anyways. For the older generation, it would be a way to consciously see those places one last time. The last time they’d been there, they were so convinced they’d return in a week that they didn’t even pack their valuables.  It would also allow us younger ones to see what the land of our grandparents’ stories was really like.

Stories and Realities

The rural village of Trakhoni lies just outside Nicosia. As the driver parked the bus in the town square, it felt like time was slowing down. A group of men in their 60s was sitting in the shadow of a large Eucalyptus tree and was watching with hard to read faces as my family walked up to them. Two men stood up and introduced themselves as the Turkish-Cypriot and Greek-Cypriot mayors of the community. Our arrival had clearly been expected. Together with the two mayors we walked over to the little church at the edge of the dusty square. The building, we were told, had been looted and destroyed by Turkish soldiers during the invasion. The graves in its yard had evidently been desecrated, too, their marble covers crushed and pried open. 

The church itself now looked new, because it had recently been renovated with aid from the United Nations. The simple but dignified space was being carefully maintained by a few dedicated members of the refugee community. For the time being their work means that the thousand year story of this church hasn’t yet come to an end. However, it is hard to escape the conclusion that the invading army succeeded in uprooting the community. There are no Greek-Cypriots left in this village. Its church, the heart of its community, had been vandalised. Yet, there we were, chanting in the restored building. Afterwards we had a coffee with the Turkish-Cypriot villagers. Their families had moved to the village after the invasion and were living in properties left behind by  Greek-Cypriots. There was no tension or hostility between us. The relations between the communities in Trakhoni were harmonious and marked by mutual respect. It was impossible to feel resentment towards the farmers sitting in the shadow of the Eucalyptus tree that day. This village was their home, too.

When we walked over to my family’s old house, a grandmother holding a little girl by the hand opened the door. With the help of the Turkish-Cypriot mayor, we introduced ourselves. Again, there was no sign of tension. On the contrary, the Turkish-Cypriot grandmother invited us in and showed us the garden in the back. The olive groves had been burned down and my family’s possessions looted well before her family had moved in. However, my grandfather immediately recognised an old fig tree standing in the middle of the garden: “It used to make such large figs back in the day”. “It still does!” said the grandmother. Having thanked her for inviting us is in, we walked back to the bus. My grandfather noted matter of factly: “There’s no way we’ll return here”.

Justice, Peace and Time

Since 1974, three generations of Turkish-Cypriots had lived in that house. They had their own stories to tell about this place and would never leave it willingly. The term “ethnic cleansing” sounds sanitary, but this is the tragedy behind it: once you uproot a community you can’t just place it back where it once was like a houseplant. Given enough time, the only way for it to return is through unspeakable violence. Ethnic cleansing by replacing one population with another requires time to be effective, but effective it is. It cruelly perverts the basic human tendency to form bonds with others and with specific places. After a few generations there is no way to just undo what is done. The descendants face the choice between revenge and peace. It is a hard choice, because peace means coming to terms with the fact that one’s home is no more. It means recognising that with the passing of time undoing an injustice may be possible only with new injustice. It means recognising that “undoing” may not be an option anymore, and that reconciliation is the only way forward. Because ethnic cleansing works in this way over time, the goal must be to stop it as soon as possible, before it can unfold its full effects. In 2023 Europe is once again confronted with a campaign of ethnic cleansing.

In the Ukrainian territories occupied by Russian forces, evidence of mass-kidnappings of civilians has come to light along with other telltale signs of ethnic cleansing. For the West to avoid playing into the hands of Moscow it must help Ukraine liberate its occupied territories as soon as possible. If time is wasted with clumsy prevarications, we risk witnessing a tragedy we’ve seen play out too many times already on our beautiful continent. That summer day in Cyprus, my family saw that there was no sense in imagining that there was a home being kept from us anymore. That home had been taken away and destroyed. It had become a memory and a dream. For millions of Ukrainian refugees it’s still a reality. It’s on us to keep it that way.

Verlockende Blindheit: Wladimir Putin und der Westen

Gedanken über unser Versagen, die richtigen Schlüsse zu ziehen und die richtigen Fragen zu stellen.

Lenin hat einmal gesagt, dass es Jahrzehnte gibt, in denen nichts passiert, und Wochen, in denen Jahrzehnte passieren. Wenn wir eines mit Sicherheit wissen, dann, dass diese Wochen im Februar und März 2022 in die Geschichte eingehen werden. Die Ereignisse, die sich an der Grenze zwischen Russland und der Ukraine abspielen, sind von einer Größenordnung, die heute noch nicht vollständig erfasst werden kann. In Anbetracht der Tatsache, dass im Krieg alles ungewiss und unbeständig ist, dürfen wir nicht zulassen, dass diese Ungewissheit uns davon abhält, über das, was wir erleben, nachzudenken. Gerade weil dies dunkle Tage sind, dürfen wir uns nicht vor der Anstrengung drücken, die es braucht, um so klar wie möglich zu sehen. Das Folgende ist kein Bericht über die Tatsachen vor Ort. Das machen andere viel besser, als ich es könnte. In der Tat sind solche Informationen in einem noch nie dagewesenen Ausmaß verfügbar. Vielmehr ist dies ein Versuch, die richtige Geisteshaltung für all dies zu finden. Nur mit der richtigen Einstellung werden wir in der Lage sein, in dem aktuellen Drama einen Sinn zu finden.

Die Ereignisse in der Ukraine können angesichts der vielseitigen Besetzung, der Zuspitzung der Handlung und des Einsatzes, um den es geht, durchaus als Drama bezeichnet werden. Betrachten wir zunächst den Mann, der im Mittelpunkt der Handlung steht: Wladimir Putin, den Präsidenten der Russischen Föderation. Es ist bemerkenswert, dass der Mann, der Russlands Besetzung der Krim, die Invasion im Donbass und die militärische Unterstützung des Assad-Regimes angeordnet hat, so viele über seinen Charakter täuschen konnte. Putin hat die Schalthebel der Macht in seinem Land fest im Griff. Mit dem Startknopf für die Atomraketen in der Hand hat er sich zum Richter, Geschworenen und Henker der Ukraine ernannt. Und doch stehen jetzt Beamte und Experten gleichermaßen Schlange, um zu gestehen, dass sie ihn falsch eingeschätzt haben. Ja, es ist schwierig, in das Herz eines anderen Menschen zu sehen. Das ist es, was Bücher, Filme und das wirkliche Leben so interessant macht. Menschen, vor allem wenn man sie einzeln betrachtet, sind nicht so vorhersehbar. Dennoch beeinflusst der Charakter Entscheidungen. Der Charakter einer Person kann uns einen Hinweis darauf geben, wie sie sich unter bestimmten Umständen wahrscheinlich verhalten wird. Neben Putins Zügen auf dem geopolitischen Schachbrett hätten uns auch seine kleineren, persönlicheren Entscheidungen helfen können, ein klareres Bild seines Charakters zu zeichnen.

Hätten wir seiner Erfolgsbilanz bei der Ermordung von Oppositionsführern, Rivalen und Andersdenkenden mehr Aufmerksamkeit geschenkt, wären wir vielleicht weniger überrascht gewesen, dass er nun endlich vor aller Welt seine Hand offenbart hat. Wochenlang haben er und seine Gefolgsleute die westlichen Bedenken über die russische Truppenaufstockung als hysterisch abgetan. Heute rollen russische Panzer durch die Ukraine. Der Einmarsch ist für Putin nichts Ungewöhnliches. Seit er an die Macht gekommen ist, hat er Gegner ermordet, sich in fremde Länder eingemischt und sein eigenes Land ausgeplündert. Bei all dem hat er schamlos gelogen und versucht, seine Spuren mit Desinformation zu verwischen. Die Tatsache, dass dieser Mann dennoch so viele täuschen konnte, zeugt mehr von der Macht des Glaubens als von seinem eigenen Charisma. Dass wir die rachsüchtige Gewalt in seinem Charakter nicht erkannt haben, liegt allein an uns.

Jetzt, da sein Engagement für den Frieden als leer entlarvt wurde, ist die Maske gefallen. Auch wenn es zweifellos weiterhin eine hartnäckige Minderheit nützlicher Idioten geben wird, sehen die Menschen im Westen den Tyrannen nun als das, was er ist: ein Mann, der sich nicht um Gerechtigkeit und schon gar nicht um die Wahrheit schert. Ein Mann, der sagt, dass seine Armee die Ukraine, ein Land, dessen Präsident Jude ist, von einer Nazi-Junta befreit – und dabei ein ernstes Gesicht macht. Dieser ressentimentgeladene Mann ist mit Gewalt an die Macht gekommen. Er hält sich mit Gewalt an der Macht und fürchtet nichts mehr als die Grenzen seiner Macht. Dieser Mann spricht nur die Sprache der Macht. Da wir ihn zu lange falsch eingeschätzt haben, müssen wir uns in dieser Sprache verständlich machen.

Wir haben Putin nicht als den Mann gesehen, der er war, weil wir es nicht wollten, und wir wollten es nicht, weil es Geld zu verdienen und Wahlen zu gewinnen gab. Die Verkleinerung unserer Streitkräfte und die Verringerung der Qualität ihrer Ausrüstung bedeuteten, dass die ironischerweise so genannte “Friedensdividende” in wählerfreundlicherere Zwecke investiert werden konnte. Unsere eigene Schwäche hat uns geblendet. Wir redeten uns immer wieder ein, dass Putins Hang zu gewalttätiger Rache auf Einzelpersonen beschränkt sei. Wir vergaßen die Tatsache, dass er Grosny dem Erdboden gleichgemacht hatte. Wir versuchten uns einzureden, dass der Mann, dessen Luftwaffe die Bombardierung syrischer Krankenhäuser zu einem Blutsport gemacht hat, es sicher nicht wagen würde, in Europa ähnlich zu handeln. Leider haben wir uns geirrt. Charakter lässt sich nicht sauber abgrenzen und geographisch einzäumen. Der Mann, der all diese unaussprechlichen Dinge getan hat, war derselbe Mann, der wenige Jahre später die größte Konzentration militärischer Macht in Europa seit dem Zweiten Weltkrieg orchestrierte. Dennoch waren zu viele bereit zu glauben, dass sein Säbelrasseln nur als Verhandlungsmasse gedacht war. Die Alternative war einfach zu beängstigend, um sie in Betracht zu ziehen. Jetzt, da die Realität uns endlich eingeholt hat, kommen mir die letzten Verse von Stefan Georges “Der Antichrist” in den Sinn:

Ihr jauchzet • entzückt von dem teuflischen schein •
Verprasset was blieb von dem früheren seim
Und fühlt erst die not vor dem ende.

Dann hängt ihr die zunge am trocknenden trog •
Irrt ratlos wie vieh durch den brennenden hof ..
Und schrecklich erschallt die posaune.

Wenn euch diese Zeilen zu dramatisch erscheinen, schlage ich vor, dass ihr euch eine Frage stellt, die sich viele Ukrainer in diesen Wochen gestellt haben: Was seid ihr bereit, mit eurem Leben zu verteidigen? In den kommenden Monaten und Jahren wird sich uns diese Frage mit unbändiger Kraft aufdrängen. Zbigniew Brzezinski hat einmal gesagt: “Ohne die Ukraine hört Russland auf, ein Imperium zu sein, aber mit einer unterworfenen und dann untergeordneten Ukraine wird Russland automatisch zu einem Imperium”. Wenn ihr glaubt, dass Putin bisher rücksichtslos war, dann wartet ab, bis Russland zu einem Imperium wird. Die Welt, die wir betreten, wird weniger Geduld mit uns haben als die, die wir hinter uns lassen. Wir können es uns nicht mehr leisten, einfach wegzuschauen. Wir können Fragen nicht mehr ausweichen, nur weil sie uns beunruhigen. In jedem Fall werden unsere Antworten viel darüber verraten, wer wir sind. Unsere Worte werden sicherlich eines Tages beurteilt werden, aber unsere Taten und Opfer wiegen noch schwerer. Was waren wir bereit zu opfern, als wir schließlich von diesem schrecklichen Posaunenschall geweckt wurden? 

In seiner Fernsehansprache am 23. Februar sagte Präsident Zelensky zu den Russen: “Wenn ihr angreift, werdet ihr unsere Gesichter sehen, nicht unsere Rücken”. Nicht nur Präsident Putin, sondern alle Staats- und Regierungschefs der Welt und jeder Einzelne von uns zeigt jetzt sein wahres Gesicht. Es bedurfte dieser Invasion, um die Illusionen der Welt zu zerstören. Jetzt liegt es an uns, ob wir es zulassen, dass sie noch viel mehr erschüttert. Werden wir für unsere wertvollsten Werte eintreten? Sind wir bereit, unsere Lebensweise und die internationale Ordnung gegen diejenigen zu verteidigen, die nicht zögern würden, sie zu zerstören, wenn sie die Gelegenheit dazu hätten? Verweigern wir ihnen diese Gelegenheit. Wir sollten uns weigern, unsere Freiheit vom Wohlwollen Wladimir Putins abhängig zu machen. Eine Bedrohung kann nur dann wirklich gefährlich werden, wenn sie auf Schwäche stößt. Die Herausforderung ist klar: Wir müssen stärker werden, wir müssen uns besser verteidigen und wir müssen entschlossener sein. Wenn wir erfolgreich sein wollen, müssen wir lernen, unsere Gemeinschaften zu lieben, ohne sie zu idealisieren. Dies ist eine gewaltige Herausforderung, und es ist bereits spät. Die Ukrainer erinnern uns daran, dass es darum geht, sie trotz allem entschlossen anzugehen.   

Tempting Blindness: Vladimir Putin and the West

Thoughts on our failure to draw the right lessons and ask the right questions

Lenin once said that there are decades when nothing happens and weeks when decades happen. If there is one thing we know for sure, it is that these weeks in February and March 2022 are going to go down in history. The events unfolding on the border between Russia and Ukraine are of a magnitude that cannot be fully grasped today. Bearing in mind that “in war, everything is uncertain and variable” we must not allow this uncertainty to prevent us from reflecting about what we are living through. It is precisely because these are dark days, that we must not shirk the effort it takes to see as clearly as possible. What follows is not an account of the facts on the ground. Others are doing a much better job of that than I could. Indeed, plain information is available on an unprecedented scale. Rather, this is an attempt to find the right frame of mind for all this. It is with the right kind of attitude, and only with the right attitude that we will be able to make sense of the current drama.

In light of the eclectic cast of actors, the crescendo of the plotline and the stakes involved, the events in Ukraine can certainly be described as a drama. Let us first consider the man at the centre of the plot: Vladimir Putin, the President of the Russian Federation. It is remarkable that the man who ordered Russia’s occupation of Crimea, its invasion of the Donbas and its military support for the Assad regime managed to deceive so many as to his character. Putin has his country’s levers of power in a vicelike grip. Nuclear-launch button in hand, he appointed himself judge, jury and executioner of Ukraine. And yet, officials and pundits alike are now lining up to confess they had gravely misjudged him. Yes, it is difficult to see into another person’s heart of hearts. That is what makes books, movies, and real life interesting. People, especially when considered individually, aren’t that predictable. Nevertheless, character does influence decisions. A person’s character can give us a clue as to how they’re likely to act in given circumstances. Besides Putin’s moves on the geopolitical chessboard, his smaller, more personal decisions could have helped us paint a clearer picture of his character.

Had we paid more attention to his track-record of murdering opposition leaders, rivals and dissenters we might have been less surprised now that he has finally revealed his hand for the world to see. For weeks, he and his henchmen laughed off western concerns about the Russian troop build-up as hysterical. Today, Russian tanks are rolling through Ukraine. The invasion is not out of character for Putin. Ever since he rose to power, he murdered opponents, interfered in other countries, and looted his own. He brazenly lied about all this, attempting to cover his tracks with disinformation. The fact that this man nevertheless fooled so many testifies more to the power of make belief than to his own charisma. Our failure to see the vindictive violence in his character is entirely on us.

Now that his commitments to peace have been exposed as empty, the mask is off. While there will no doubt remain a stubborn minority of useful idiots, Westerners now see the tyrant for who his is: a man who cares nothing for justice, nothing at all for truth. This is a man who says that his army is liberating Ukraine, a country whose President is Jewish, from a Nazi junta- while keeping a straight face. This resentful man rose to power through force. He maintains himself there through force and fears nothing more than the limits of his power. This man speaks only the language of power. Having misjudged him for too long we must, therefore, make ourselves understood in that same language.

We didn’t see Putin as the man he was because we didn’t want to, and we didn’t want to because there was money to be made and elections to be won. Cutting down the size of our armed forces and reducing the quality of their equipment meant that the ironically named “peace dividend” could be invested in ways more likely to sway voters. Our own weakness blinded us. We kept telling ourselves that Putin’s penchant for violent revenge was limited to individuals. We forgot about the fact that he levelled Grozny. We tried to convince ourselves that the man whose air force turned the bombing of Syrian hospitals into a blood-sport surely wouldn’t dare act similarly in Europe. Unfortunately, we were wrong. Character simply cannot be neatly segmented. The man who did all these unspeakable things was the same man who a few years later orchestrated the greatest concentration of military might in Europe since WW2. Still, too many were willing to believe that his sabre-rattling was meant only as a bargaining chip. The alternative was simply too scary to contemplate. Now that reality has finally caught up with us the final verses of Stefan George’s “The Antichrist” come to mind:

“What’s left of life-essence, you squander its spells

And only on doomsday feel paupered.

You’ll hang out your tongues, but the trough has been drained;

You’ll panic like cattle whose farm is ablaze . . .

And dreadful the blast of the trumpet.”

If you find these lines over-dramatic, I suggest you ask yourself a question that many Ukrainians have been asking themselves these weeks: What are you willing to defend with your life? In the coming months and years this question will impose itself on us with irrepressible force. Zbigniew Brzezinski once remarked that “without Ukraine Russia ceases to be an empire, but with Ukraine suborned and then subordinated Russia automatically becomes an Empire”. If you think Putin so far has been ruthless, wait until Russia becomes an empire. The world we are about to enter is going to be less patient with us than the one we are leaving behind. We can no longer afford to just look away. We can no longer avoid questions just because they’re unsettling. In any case, our answers will reveal a lot about who we are. While our words will certainly one day be judged, our deeds and sacrifices will count more heavily. What were we prepared to sacrifice when we were finally woken up by that dreadful blast of the trumpet?  

In his televised address on February 23rd President Zelensky told Russians “when you attack, you will see our faces, not our backs.” Not just President Putin, but all world leaders and each and every one of us is revealing their true faces now. It took this invasion for the world’s illusions to be shattered. Now it is up to us if we allow it to shatter much more than that. Are we going to stand up for our most cherished values? Are we willing to defend our way of life and the international order against those who would not hesitate to destroy it given the chance? Let us deny them that chance. Let us refuse to gamble our freedom on the good will of Vladimir Putin. A threat can only become truly dangerous if it encounters weakness. Our challenge is clear: we must grow in strength, we must harden our defences and we must stiffen our resolve. If we are to succeed, we will have to learn to love our communities without idealising them. This is a daunting challenge, and it is late already. Ukraine reminds us that the stakes nonetheless require us to persevere.   

Healing History

What a divided world can learn from Germany’s culture of remembrance.

For those of us following the news these days, talking about topics like group identity and history often feels like tip-toeing around a minefield. With statues being toppled by some and praised as sacred shrines by others, we are mired in an openly hostile confrontation over history’s role in shaping our identities today. Many of us feel passionately about these issues and the debate surrounding them is unavoidable and indispensable. We therefore need to find ways of talking about who we are without tearing our communities apart. Although it may be hard to believe today, it’s possible to have healthy conversations on identity and history. Successful public debate on these questions benefits all of us individually and society as a whole by grounding us and providing us with a secure framework for the future. For anyone grappling with the role of group identity in making the world a better place, Germany understandably was very much the last place to consider when looking for best practices. People a few decades ago would have understandably thought it a bad joke had you suggested learning from the German experience. Against the odds however, the German “Erinnerungskultur” (culture of remembrance) that is at the core of modern German identity, might just offer us a way forward at a time when society too often seems stuck between glorifying and forgetting the past. German President Richard von Weizsäcker in 1985 delivered a seminal speech that charts a path for not just Germans, but for people all over the world to follow. A recipe for building mature group identities, it highlights the impact of the way we remember our past on how we confront the present.

Remembering is at the core of von Weizsäcker’s message. His starting point is the question of how history, and especially WW2, impacts German identity today. How should people deal with their nation’s darkest chapters? Do events most people alive today never even participated in have any bearing on the present at all? One instinctively recoils at the idea of burdening living people with the deeds of generations past. Drawing artificial lines between the past and the present however distorts the many ways in which history is part of and shapes the present. The identities of people and nations are inextricably linked to their past. History isn’t just a record of individual lives. Groups can survive war and genocide even as countless individual lives are lost. History leaves its mark on the identities of groups just as memories of events shape individual personalities. Whether they know it or not, the living are therefore already burdened with and shaped by the deeds of generations past.  The question is how this load, this heritage should be dealt with, not whether it exists. Should history be made to fit an idealised self-image? Should history be washed clean? Should we just forget about it entirely? To von Weizsäcker, the answer is that our highest duty is to remember. To remember honestly and without distortion so as to truly make the past part of oneself. Germany’s success in dealing with its past, and possibly even its success as a democratic country is founded on a culture that values this kind of honest remembrance over the cosy feel-good variety that abounds in many other parts of the world.

Recalling the past in this way is a radical thing to do, especially on the level of an entire people, but it’s absolutely a necessary first step. Abstract entities like for example nations can only demand sacrifice and loyalty on behalf of people if they can justify their claims thereto. Keeping the memory of shared history alive is a powerful way to create bonds between otherwise unrelated individuals. The most basic justification commonly used is a mythologised history beginning with a foundational myth. Whether it be Romulus and Remus growing up among wolves, a holy war of independence against tyrannical overlords or successfully overcome natural disasters, such stories are meant to strengthen the sense of common identity through the recollection of shared experiences. By placing the present into a larger context, such stories cast today’s generations as heirs to a grand tradition. The events narrated remain part of the present and play an important function in framing the way a group perceives itself and the world around it. When, for example, the Greeks in 2014 had a referendum on whether to accept the latest bail-out deal, those campaigning against it could tap in to the powerful tradition of Greece saying “OXI” (OH-chee, “no”) to those trying to interfere with its sovereignty. In the mind of every Greek, the term OXI is directly connected to Prime Minister Metaxa’s response to Mussolini’s request to allow in Italian troops. This brave and laconic response and the war that followed is to this day celebrated on OXI-day. It’s evident that by keeping events, whether recent or ancient, in people’s minds, such stories have a profound formative influence on the present. The more difficult questions to be answered are how they do so. Should our national stories portray ourselves in a purely positive light? What are the implications of believing that you’re the descendant of a line of perfect heroes? Maybe having a national story based on an idealised past motivates people to live up to their ancestors’ standard when faced with adversity in their own times. In practice, however, it seems that during a crisis all sides claim to follow in those glorious footsteps and frequently accuse the other side of betraying their noble heritage. The main effect of a national story like that instead is an immature worldview.

Relying as it does on a black and white account of history, it makes nuanced critique of the past not just impossible, but positively treasonous. While these myths can make for blockbuster entertainment, they should not be mistaken for sources of real-life guidance. It is a powerful sign of how convincing this Rambo-style morality of good guys vs bad guys is, that people who have no difficulty admitting that no one is without fault on the personal level, nevertheless buy into these childish stories about their own groups’ idealised past. The reason why this pattern is not just curious but actually dangerous, is that it colours people’s perception of the present. Individuals are most vulnerable to totalitarian ideologies and most likely to sleepwalk down the slippery slope to disaster when they are convinced they are incapable of doing so. Is it too much of a stretch to argue that on a community level, too, acknowledgement of one’s potential for evil is the necessary precondition for truly doing good? How is a community that is wilfully blind to the darker chapters of its past supposed to recognise and avoid the tell-tale signs of danger in the future? Isn’t any such community much more vulnerable to being manipulated into senseless conflict by demagogues skilfully exploiting its lack of self-awareness?  We need to think carefully about the power of communal stories and find a way to make them work in favour of peace and prosperity. Instead of being infernal machines on standby they should be firewalls protecting us from our worse instincts. Just like with individuals, remembering important events with others is a crucial part of any functioning community. Just like with individuals, remembering honestly is a sign of maturity without which communities cannot live alongside each other.

 The first thing you notice when thinking of the past in this honest way is the variety of individual experiences. For people in 1945 this meant that some had lost their homes to strategic bombing raids, others to invading armies. Some had been taken to Siberia as prisoners of war while every family was still grieving for its losses. At the end of that global conflagration, the range of experiences is hard to grasp. While people were celebrating in the streets of Paris and London, the war was still raging in the Pacific, where the people of Hiroshima and Nagasaki still went about their daily lives. Remembering these vastly different experiences together, sharing and listening, walking a mile in other people’s shoes and suspending judgement for the moment forces us to see the sheer humanness of the past. It forces each and every one of us to recognise the sins committed by one’s ancestors, and to confront the fact of their guilt and innocence. History comes alive the moment we experience it through the stories of survivors. Art, whatever form it takes can blur the line between past and present, turning abstract suffering into something personal and immediate. No one can watch a movie like “The Pianist” and remain untouched by the end of it.  Art therefore has a special role to play in this process of remembrance.

Now remembering history in a way that genuinely makes people connect to each other and to their past cannot remain stuck in silent meditation. It translates into real world action. You cannot expose yourself to the darkest chapters of human experience and not change your attitude towards the world. So, what’s the next step? What follows from the guilt of one’s ancestors? What follows from their innocence or their heroism? Is it collective self-castigation and self-immolation by the descendants of the guilty and complacent rituals of self-congratulation on behalf of the victors? Should the descendants of victims indulge in annual lamentations of their fate and demand that their one-time enemies do eternal penance? All this is, of course, insane. The main point of remembering in the first place was to recognize that individuals everywhere experienced loss and injustice. Accepting that individuals could in some way be guilty and yet be victims nonetheless, does not diminish the guilt of e.g. the Nazi regime for starting the war, but it does invite us to be charitable towards individuals. The broad spectrum of individual guilt, ranging from the wilful blindness of large parts of the population to the active orchestration of crimes against humanity by the Nazi élite similarly demands a nuanced approach. Terms like “collective guilt” lose all justification when a people is not analysed as a cold, monolithic machine, but as the living organism of vastly different individuals it is in reality. There was plenty of guilt of all kinds to go around in 1945, first and foremost amongst my countrymen, but, like innocence, it was at all times individual. By rejecting a black and white picture of history, this approach makes possible a group identity based on the acknowledgement of the full range of human potential. The most cherished chapters of our national stories are as important as ever, but they are not, and never were sufficient. People everywhere would benefit from developing their own cultures of remembrance centred around listening and healing rather than blaming and dividing. Ultimately, it is only by following this path that we can turn the load of the past into a heritage to be proud of.

Our groups become defined not just by their finest hours, but also by their darkest. As our communities take this crucial step, we become more understanding and thoughtful on a group level. It’s probably not a step that can ever be made with any finality, because the struggle over how to interpret the past is renewed with each passing generation, but the closer our communities come to forming mature narratives, the more likely it will be that these narratives empower the better angels of our nature. History becomes only more impressive when looked at this way, since the people shaping it are seen as ordinary humans rather than demigods. We don’t need glorification of our past, and we don’t need self-castigation centred around collective guilt. What we need today more than ever is a healthy, mature conversation about who we are and where we came from.

Europe’s Achilles’ Heel

The Oxford Dictionary defines the term ‘Achilles’ Heel’ as a ‘weak point or fault in a person’s character which can be attacked by other people’. It’s important to note though, that the insidious thing about Achilles’ heels is that they’re not obvious. Who would have thought that Achilles, western civilisation’s original hero, would be brought down by a single arrow to the ankle? Why didn’t Homer let his main character die in a Game of Thrones style clash with some Trojan juggernaut? To use a modern analogy, imagine John Rambo being fatally shot in the hand in the middle of the movie right when things are getting interesting.

Protecting our ankles

Given the hidden nature and fatal vulnerability of Achilles’ heels, you might be forgiven for thinking that people try very hard to find and eliminate their personal Achilles’ heels. If we were being perfectly rational about this, you’d be right. After all, being aware of one’s vulnerability is bothersome and disconcerting, right? Unfortunately, people aren’t that straightforward. There seem to be two ways of dealing with vulnerability. First, you can try to eliminate it by taking a hard look at it and confronting it head on. That is the most effective way of dealing with vulnerability, but not necessarily the most popular. The second way people go about eliminating vulnerability, is by simply ignoring it. Looking your own vulnerability squarely in the eyes and dealing with it requires both courage and effort, and it’s in no way easy. By contrast, closing your eyes to one of your weaknesses seems like the easy way out. Out of sight, out of mind, right? Maybe, but unfortunately, out of mind doesn’t equal out of reality. Our unhealthy habits have real world consequences that become increasingly difficult to ignore. At some point they usually find a way of forcing themselves into our awareness. An infected toe can turn gangrenous and end up poisoning the entire body. The harm we have let happen has then become too difficult to ignore.

The point is that looking for one’s Achilles’ heels is scary, and dealing with them can be even scarier. It is nevertheless important to be brave since otherwise one risks harm to what one values, whether that be one’s family, friends or community. While large organisations are different from individual people in some ways, they have a lot of traits in common, and Achilles’ heels are one of them. It therefore is just as important to be aware of the vulnerabilities of one’s community as it is to know one’s own weak spots. As a community of states and citizens, the European Union and the values it’s founded on are of massive value to all of us. We therefore need to ask ourselves how to protect the Europe that we love. We need to find its Achilles’ heel.

Fake Achilles’ heels

When you ask people these days about what they think constitutes the greatest danger to Europe, you will likely get answers like ‘Terrorism’, ‘Populism’ or ‘Pizza Hawaii’. These threats however are like the Trojan juggernauts of old. They’re highly visible, and therefore defeasible.  We tackle what we see, and the first step of successfully dealing with a threat is actually seeing it. In Western Europe we’ve long become used to a narrative that tells us that we are immune to certain threats and should better focus on others. For example, we consider that sovereignty over our borders is important. We wouldn’t like for someone to just arbitrarily redraw them. They have, however, not been invaded since WW2 because we’ve all become best friends. Like long-time friends we’ve told each other that “mi casa es tu casa”. European nations used to live each in their own castles. They have now become best friends and flatmates. Like 21st century people never think of catching the black plague, so modern Europeans never even think about threats to their borders. They’re one big happy family. Some of them are stronger than others, but as best friends, they’re all equal in a way. To find what’s most dangerous to Europe today, we need to better understand what Europe today really is. Let’s explore what exactly it means for Europeans to have become best friends and flatmates.

European F.R.I.E.N.D.S

Europe today is more than just a massive common market. Most Europeans today feel like there is an ‘us’, a true common identity that unites them around common values and a shared civilisation. This feeling has for decades now been reinforced by rhetoric on the part of European Institutions and national governments alike. A sense of European identity is what makes our debates extend beyond mere calculations of financial cost and profit. When millions of Ukrainians protested on Kiev’s Maidan Square they weren’t risking their lives to reduce their budget deficit. They were inspired by an idea. What inspires Europeans outside the Union to join and those inside to cooperate is the idea of Europe. As an idea, Europe is a family. Without it, it’s just an economic area. It’s the difference between a friendship and the relationship between you and your coffee shop of choice. If the price or the quality of the coffee changes, you will just go find another source of coffee. Friends, in contrast, you remain loyal to even if, and especially if, they take a turn for the worse. Where there is no common identity, there is no solidarity. Where there is no common identity, each one is ultimately on his own. That, we cannot afford in our private lives, and we cannot afford it in Europe either. Since we cannot afford losing our European friendship, we need to understand its vulnerabilities.

If a friend behaves to you as if you’re just there to benefit him you’ll understand that he’s not really your friend. As friends, you’re precisely not looking to personally profit from your relationship. You’re looking to help each other out, because ultimately there’s a strong “us” between you. Imagine asking your best friend to help you out with some trouble you’re in. If he refuses to talk to you until you’re once again fun to be around, you will rightly consider him to have betrayed your friendship. It doesn’t matter at all who is weaker at any point in time- friends stick to each other or they aren’t friends. The Achilles’ heel of a friendship seems to therefore be this kind of egoistic behaviour. When the “I” takes over, the “us” falls apart. The same holds true on the level of states. If, like the member states belonging to the European Union, you claim to stick together because of common values and a shared identity beyond mere personal profit, then the kind of power politics you’d expect between simple trading partners are out of question. Instead of adhering to the creed of “Country X First” and bullying everyone else into submission, the more powerful states will be guided by what’s best for the whole. Every time states use their power in an egoistic way they undermine their friendship. Like the friendship between simple humans, the European friendship binding together states is not immortal. In fact, since the mere appearance of egoistic behaviour is enough to undermine it, actual bullying is sheer recklessness. Unfortunately, there have been too many instances of both actual and apparent self-centredness in recent years.

Shooting oneself in the heel

One example of a recent episode that triggered what seems like an epidemic of recklessness was the Eurozone Crisis. Year after year politicians from the relatively stable north of Europe and those from the hard-hit south appeared to like nothing so much as to accuse each other of being incompetent, unreliable and egoistic. These Greeks are living off of our money, and they’re not even ashamed of it! Why can’t these German robots think like human beings for once? Instead of explaining to the citizens that they’re ultimately sitting in the same boat with their European neighbours, the loudest voices seemed hellbent on pitting one friend against the other. The cynicism this form of debate has fuelled especially among those who lost out economically is reflected in heightened mistrust towards their supposed friends. That’s pretty unsurprising, considering that each of us distrusts clients and customers more than his best friends. So far, the European friends have not yet degenerated into simple trading partners, but each conflict that turns toxic is one step in the wrong direction. The Eurozone crisis of the 2010’s, while it impacted the lives of millions of people, was merely economic. Nevertheless, the damage that resulted from the toxic debate surrounding it was substantial. Now imagine the impact a more existential threat could have if Europe’s response to it wasn’t united. We are witnessing this exact crisis unfolding right now. Even worse, it affects some of the states that had suffered most under the previous crisis, too.

Far away from the centres of power in Northern Europe, a conflict has been simmering for decades and is slowly reaching its boiling point. Talk to a Western European about threats to territorial sovereignty and he’ll most likely think about black and white news-reels  or movies directed by Quentin Tarantino and featuring George Clooney and Brad Pitt. To Europeans living on the south-eastern border of Europe however, threats to their states’ territory have become a feature of everyday life. Greeks and Cypriots have for decades now been the victims of near daily violations of their borders by their larger neighbour Turkey. How come, you might wonder, that Greece and Cyprus’ powerful European friends haven’t united to deal with this threat long ago?  The truth is, that until fairly recently it was simply easier to ignore the literally tens of thousands of violations of Greek airspace and the literally tens of thousands Turkish troops occupying the northern half of the Republic of Cyprus. Why? Well, Turkey was like a rich kid that sometimes brings some cool stuff to school and that can be fun to play with, but that also has some skeletons in its closet. They’re pretty bad, but you’d rather not spoil the fun as long as things don’t get out of hand. In particular, you’re worried that if you mention the skeletons, the rich kid will join the rival gang in the schoolyard, upgrading their collection of gadgets and inviting them to its parties. The point is, however, that things have long since gotten out of hand. The skeletons in Turkey’s closet are European, and by ignoring them the European friends have slowly but steadily been undermining themselves.

            The European Achilles

As you might have guessed by this point, I am arguing that Europe’s Achilles’ heel lies in its South Eastern flank. It has remained unprotected for long enough that those who don’t care too much about Europe have been able to use it for leisurely target practice. If Europe doesn’t wake up to this threat now, it risks a being hit fatally. The threat is not military defeat, for the immediate military threat does not extend beyond Greece and Cyprus. What risks bringing down the whole of the European Achilles is rather the lack of loyalty among its constituent parts. If the more powerful, but less directly impacted states of Europe look away while their supposed best friends are under assault, they are in fact complicit themselves. Just like the attacker, they are putting the slogan “Country X First” into practice, thereby further eroding the bonds of friendship holding together the European Achilles. Only this time the risk is very high that the damage they’re inflicting on him will be irreversible. The Turkish navy has for years now been intruding into Cypriot waters, and now appears poised to extend its “exploratory operations” to those of Greece. Unlike Cyprus, Greece does have a substantial navy of its own, and its President can hardly afford to let a hostile power run roughshod over its territory. In 1996, when the conflict very nearly turned hot, it was defused at the last second by President Clinton. Since then, the Turkish Airforce has continued to violate Greek airspace on a daily basis, while Turkey claims ever larger chunks of the Aegean for itself and seems more willing than ever to engage in brinkmanship. To grasp the extent of the Turkish government’s recklessness here, please note the current effort by of President Erdogan to turn the Hagia Sophia into a mosque. By pledging to add one more mosque to a city that already boasts over 3500 of them at a time of global instability, and having himself used relations with Europe, Greece and Cyprus as a PR tool, he now appears willing to sacrifice even the last pretence of good faith. Don’t be fooled. All this is not just a threat to Greeks and Cypriots. Europe’s response will send a message to all who live by the law of the jungle. It would be a fatal mistake to believe that appeasement will work today any more than it did in the 1930’s. One’s heel looks like it’s far away from one’s eyes, but only as long as one can reliably stand on it.

In the absence of a fundamental policy shift in Ankara, it is only a question of time until the conflict boils over. If the states of Europe remember their professed common values, they’ll stand together now, deterring further escalation before it is too late. They need to realise now, that disunity will ultimately benefit none of them. Instead, those of them that feel betrayed will turn towards other, perhaps more protective allies and give up on the European idea. By betraying their friendship, the greater powers will have betrayed themselves. By harming their less powerful friends, they will have harmed themselves. A future in which a disunited Europe faces a world in which might makes right is not one in which any European state stands a good chance of succeeding. However, it will be one that Europeans brought onto themselves. It is not too late, but the clock is ticking.

Hurting About America

Friends of the US should be worried- but there is hope.

The United States is failing[1]. Writing these words comes very close to causing me physical pain. You may wonder why a German living in London cares so deeply about events on the other side of the Atlantic. Aren’t there enough things to be worried about in Europe? It is true that 2020 has been just as kind to us Europeans as to our American friends. However, it is also true that now, more than ever, we cannot afford to ignore what’s going on in the US. First there’s the simple fact that international primacy matters[2]. If this seems too abstract, just imagine a world dominated by the Soviet Union or the 3rd Reich. Even in 2020 it should be clear that such a world would be much worse than ours. You may at the same time disagree with American foreign policy and recognise the current world order as what it is: a direct result of American primacy. However, there is a more important reason why I care about the US. Events in America move us Europeans in the same way the killing of one unarmed black man in Minneapolis moved Americans in far-away Los Angeles. Not because we have any kind of personal connections to the place. For most of us, visiting the US remains an item on our bucket lists. Even without visiting we know that America is more than just another country on the map. To quote Rammstein “We’re all living in America”. All democracies and all democrats share a deeper bond with this nation. America stands for a set of ideals, and the struggle towards their attainment. It’s those ideals against which acts of injustice contrast so sharply. While it is natural to feel angry at the disparity between American ideals and American reality in the streets, it is important that our anger doesn’t devolve into hopelessness and hatred of the American project as a whole. For everyone who believes in democracy and the rule of law a healthy US is good news. A failing America, on the other hand, should worry all of us. Instead of abandoning the struggle, our generation needs to rediscover and reclaim those timeless ideals. Looking back, the progress made gives us plenty of reason to fight on notwithstanding the real injustice that remains a feature of many people’s lives.  Sadly, the effort for reform has for decades now been recklessly undermined by professional demagogues in politics and the media.

These prophets of doom either recklessly or maliciously risk pushing the American project into an abyss. The world is now holding its breath to see whether they will succeed in tearing the American social fabric to shreds. Every single one of us has a stake in this battle between those looking to improve and those looking to tear down. Sometimes, when you feel trapped and hopeless, when it seems like you’re not getting anywhere despite your best efforts it can help to get a friend’s perspective on things. They might remind you that the struggle is the way, and that you cannot really fail as long as you keep aiming high and trying hard. I believe that losing faith in reform and progress would be a fatal mistake. Remaining silent or calling for wholesale revolution makes us complicit. Maybe, reminding Americans that they have friends who believe in what’s best about their country is a good first step. History shows that the American project was from its very beginning bound up with the European one.

The US has since its founding been a country torn between conflicting tendencies. On the one side, it is the idealist project par excellence. Declaring independence from the world’s mightiest colonial empire at the time to embrace democratic government and inalienable rights was literally revolutionary. The power of America’s revolutionary ideals made itself felt by their ripple effects a decade later in France. French soldiers who had fought at Washington’s side (to annoy the British[3]) returned to a country already rife with seditious ideas. These young men had seen first-hand that democratic government was more than just a utopian dream. The years that followed demonstrated for the first time that America’s system of government exercised a tremendous attraction far beyond its borders. American ideals have been a subtle force for democratic change in the world long before the US became a military superpower. Without actively intervening, just by declaring its values and ideals, the US acted as an inspiration to the world. Born out of an awareness of its unique status as an idealist project, the quintessentially American tendency towards isolationism can be traced back to George Washington himself.

America’s first President famously warned against “foreign entanglements”, counselling his countrymen instead to focus on domestic development. Amplified by the US’s uniquely favourable geographic location, this isolationist tendency has survived until today. From the isolationist point of view, the US is well equipped to raise its citizens to historically unprecedented levels of peace and prosperity if, and only if, it resists the temptation of global power politics. The Colosseum of international intrigue, so the argument goes, would not just be a waste of resources, but also taint the moral purity of the democratic project. The isolationist believes that the American homeland is safe and sufficient unto itself. Only pride could lead so privileged a nation to risk its men and women in foreign adventures. Even today this line of thought is alive and well, featuring prominently whenever US intervention is publicly debated. As we know today, history soon demonstrated that events thousands of miles away could nevertheless strike right at those same ideals that isolationism was supposed to protect.

The same proud ideals that had tempted successive generations of Americans to view themselves as fundamentally apart from the “old” world meant that America could not ignore the evils of Nazism in Europe for long. As the legions of the Reich overthrew one European democracy after another, it became increasingly difficult for the US to avoid coming to grips with the situation: the regime that was rampaging through Europe was not just a threat to its European neighbours. The European War was forcing the US to decide what kind of country it wanted to be. By remaining inactive in the face of aggression and genocide the US would have sealed the fate of European democracy along with that of millions of civilians. A decision had to be made, and either way the consequences for American identity would be far-reaching. As a German, I am thankful that the US decided to put an end to the Nazi nightmare and guarantee the democratic development of at least the western half of Europe. Had the US not pushed back first against Hitler and then against Soviet Communism, the success story of post-war Europe would have been unimaginable. Beyond just Cold-War politics, generations of Europeans growing up with American music and Hollywood began developing a shared western identity. With the US as a cultural powerhouse and political ally, Germany finally found its place among the western democracies and Europe entered into an age of unprecedented prosperity. It is because of the friendship many of us Europeans feel towards the US that we are worried to see American democracy being eroded.

A democracy lives off its public discourse. Citizens must believe that they are all on the same team, no matter how strongly they disagree on specific policies. For decades, corrosive forces have been eating at this foundational belief, each of them amplifying the centrifugal forces pulling society apart. The growth of hyper-partisan media outlets, pioneered by radical talk-radio hosts such as Presidential Medal of Freedom recipient Rush Limbaugh and the rise of social media echo-chambers have supercharged people’s tribal instincts, while partisan gerrymandering made sure that this radicalisation translated into political results. While these social arsonists can be found on the entire political spectrum, they’re ultimately united in their support of “accelerationism”. Dissatisfied with simply watching society tear itself apart, they actively accelerate the process. Rather than reforming the American project, they’d rather tear it down and build their respective utopia on its ashes. This historically illiterate attitude of destruction smacks of arrogance. For our generation, buying into this insanity would be inexcusable. Calling for revolution in places like the US and Europe is like using chemotherapy to cure a cold. Rather than risking the loss of centuries’ worth of progress, we should aim to reform and reconcile. It may not lead to maximum change, but it has a far better shot at resulting in maximum progress.

Right now, the vital stats of the American experiment are shaky. The question every one of us needs to ask themselves is not just whether the status quo is acceptable, but whether we believe in the American project’s ideals. If we do, then we have no alternative but to decelerate those accelerationist forces. We need to aim at healing and reforming rather than splitting and tearing down. As a European who takes history seriously, I believe that the liberal democracies we have are worth fighting for. No doubt that they have their flaws, but at bottom they are superior to every alternative around and worth fixing. I am not in a position to make policy recommendations to my American friends, but I hope from the bottom of my heart that they find it in them to turn this around. Our generation will be judged by posterity in light of what we do now, so we better think hard about the lessons of the 20th century.

The fact that there remain important issues on which there is a broad consensus in favour of reform gives reason to hope. We have a crisis on our hands- what we need now is a new hope. America has in the past found ways to emerge stronger out of its darkest trials- thereby serving as an example and inspiration for the world at large. Today, as the world once again looks at the US, my wish to Americans is simply that they remember who they are at their best. If only they find the self-confidence to look beyond what divides them and unite around common ground, nothing can stop them. If they don’t, the forces of accelerationism will advance unhindered and end the American experiment for good. The world cannot afford this failure. We need the US. We need it strong, democratic and self-confident.


[1] https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2020/jun/01/george-floyd-protests-cornel-west-american-democracy

[2] Huntington, Samuel P. “Why International Primacy Matters.” International Security 17, no. 4 (1993)

[3] And to take revenge

Underdogs United

Why conspiracy theories won’t go away and what do about it.

Imagine a world at the verge of being taken over by a secretive group of powerful individuals and corporations. Operating in the shadows, they have for decades been plotting to subvert our rights and freedoms so as to further their dark designs. Their goal is to establish a global order in which they hold ultimate power over all of us. Manipulated by the media, most people don’t see that many of our governments are already under their thumb. It is nearly too late to stop them. Humanity’s last hope lies in a rag-tag group of intellectual mavericks, who have seen through those evil plans. Guided by a firm belief in the righteousness of their cause, they are building a network spanning the globe. Hopelessly outnumbered and outgunned, they are nevertheless determined to resist, because the alternative is unthinkable. To this band of free-thinking luminaries, serfdom is not an option. They have been laying low for long enough. The time has come to strike back. The fate of humanity lies in their hands.

Unfortunately, it seems like a growing number of people believes this worrying scenario to be an accurate description, not of the latest Dan Brown novel, but of reality. You might wonder why this is a cause for concern. Why worry about some conspiracy theorists making fools of themselves? The issue with such beliefs is their potential to influence action. For a true believer, convinced that a global conspiracy is responsible for the deaths of millions, refraining from action seems positively immoral. Wouldn’t you think you have a duty to stop this mass-murder? At which point does resistance become a duty? As long as the group of people buying into these stories remains small, the risk posed by them can be controlled. However, studies even before the Covid-19 pandemic have shown that a growing chunk of the population believes in conspiracy theories. The fact that this trend exists even in relatively stable countries like Germany, where unemployment is at historic lows is worrying. How can the rise of conspiracy theories be explained, and what can we do about it?

Theorists and Believers

Before we start our discussion on conspiracy theories, it is worth asking whether they really are “theories” at all. The term “theory” is defined as “a statement of ideas that are suggested to explain a fact or event”[1]. When we think of theories, Darwin’s theory of evolution and Einstein’s theory of relativity come to mind. The critical difference between those two and conspiracy “theories” is that the latter are not falsifiable. Their proponents do not “suggest” them “to explain a fact or event” at all. Instead of discarding or adjusting their theories according to experimental results, they adjust the experimental results to match their so-called theories. Instead of suggesting theories, they actually believe narratives.  The dictionary definition of “narrative” as “a particular way of explaining or understanding events” matches the phenomenon we are looking at much more closely. By using the term “conspiracy narratives” we can avoid being misled as to the nature of the beliefs we are dealing with. In fact, this fundamental misunderstanding might lie at the bottom of our failure to tackle conspiracy narratives so far.

In science, theories are used to find the truth and increase our understanding of the universe. The scientific method has led to such rapid gains in knowledge that humanity in the 21st century looks set to send a manned mission to Mars. We managed to achieve this stunning level of technological sophistication because generations of scientists have extracted and multiplied scientific knowledge by testing and refining their theories. Today, we know that the earth revolves around the sun just like we know that doing excessive amounts of cardio is bad for your gains[2]. Based on established facts, scientists around the world further theorize and test their theories in order to find a vaccine for Covid-19, cure cancer and do many other useful things we can all get behind. Beyond making possible cutting-edge research, established facts also serve as a basis for our value judgements and opinions. Distinguishing between facts and value judgements is crucial, and it might be here that conspiracy narratives pull the wool over our heads.

Every time you use your smartphone to get somewhere you can choose to take the scenic route or to just get to your destination as fast as possible. None of the two choices is inherently right or wrong. You can choose freely according to your personal preference. If, however, the map isn’t quite up to date and you drive into a construction site, the map will have been mistaken. While you can argue about which of the two routes to choose, you can’t legitimately dispute the reality of the construction site you just drove into. Maybe you value a leisurely drive over a shorter one. Whatever your choice, you can only succeed based on an accurate map. Having a common framework of established facts (the map) is a necessary precondition for reasonable disagreement on value judgements (personal preference for one of the two routes). Whereas debate on the latter is healthy for democracy, debating established facts is dangerous because it destroys common ground. Debates with conspiracy believers feel like trying to explain to someone how to get from A to B when they doubt that there really is a point A at all. Conspiracy narratives target our common reality by making established fact a matter of debate. Usurping the power to change reality, these narratives focus on the parts of reality that are particularly uncomfortable. It’s when life is hard that people are most likely to enter the land of make-believe.

Everything happens for a reason?

Looking back at history we can see that conspiracy narratives flourish in chaos. Whenever something unpredictable has a big impact on society, “theories” explaining the event soon multiply. Potential triggers include both man-made and natural disasters. With more than half of all Americans believing one of the numerous conspiracy narratives surrounding 9/11[3], the attacks on the World Trade Centre seem to be the most prominent such narratives of our generation. The Corona pandemic currently shaking-up the world serves as an example of a natural disaster giving rise to countless, often contradictory narratives. What unites man-made disasters with a natural catastrophe like the pandemic is that they take most of us by surprise, create arbitrary suffering and lead to immediate large-scale responses. In moments like these, chaos invades our neatly scheduled everyday lives. We are reminded in the most unpleasant ways possible of our very limited ability to control our environments. It’s a rude awakening for people used to marvelling at the latest advances in technology. How could a country that will soon send a rocket to Mars be unable to protect itself from a virus? How can it be that the strongest military the world has ever seen was unable to stop a handful of religious fanatics? The good news is that there are ways to deal with chaos when it comes knocking. The bad news is that, like with so many things in life, the easy way, the quick-fix, is not the wiser one.

Why is there arbitrary suffering? This is a question that will confront all of us sooner or later in life. Going back all the way to the Book of Job, religious and philosophical traditions have tried to provide answers and consolation. What the story of Job and secular philosophies like Stoicism have in common is that, rather than denying our limitations, they double down on them. In the Old Testament for example, God assumes the form of a whirl-wind and envelops Job before telling him that he quite literally lacks standing to question his creator. The message is that there simply is no way mere mortals could hope to understand the infinitely grand scheme of things. Similarly, the Stoics taught that focussing on what lies outside our sphere of control is bound to result in frustration. Grounded in the recognition of human limitation, these traditions teach us to accept uncertainty and focus instead on what we can control – our attitudes and reactions. While immersing oneself in this rich tradition is very rewarding, it is a journey that takes time. What’s more, it doesn’t tell you who to blame. Instead of pointing the finger at someone or something, you’ll be left to grapple with your own weakness and limitation. Once disaster strikes, people might not have the patience for what might seem like abstract ideas. When your world collapses, the need for an explanation is immediate. It nearly feels like an annoying load strapped to your back. Instead of carrying it and getting stronger over time you might be tempted to just throw it down at someone else’s feet.

The instinctive human reaction to chaos is to look for intention. If your ship is caught up in a storm at sea, you wonder what you might have done to anger Poseidon. If your harvest failed, you better try to win over Demeter. Looking back at ancient stories of jealous gods manipulating their human playthings, we feel like we’ve long since left behind such childishness. Modern man has no time for the gods. Our smugness is however regularly wiped off our faces when we are ourselves confronted with the unexpected. In the face of arbitrary suffering, we instinctively resort to looking for some intention behind it. The more terrible an event, the less likely it is a fluke. Someone must have pulled the strings.

The Satisfaction of Blame

Imagine you are a medieval merchant whose entire family just died of the plague. You’re now looking for reasons. Your country’s most prestigious scholars debate whether the disease was caused by a special constellation of Jupiter, Mars and Saturn or by earthquakes releasing evil humours[4]. These fancy theories, however are too abstract to be convincing. A catastrophe like this cannot have been brought about by the heavenly bodies. It must have been orchestrated by someone truly evil- an enemy of god. It is no coincidence that throughout medieval Europe outbreaks of the plague were reliably followed by pogroms against local Jewish communities. People carrying the question of who to blame like a load on their backs and reliably dumped it on whoever happened to be the most obvious “other” at hand. Dumping this blame on a group of people feels reassuring at first. Now, your world has become predictable again. Your anger now has a target. Making your victim of choice suffer is also much easier than coming to terms with the fact that you live in a fundamentally uncertain world.

When a public person dies in an accident or is assassinated we similarly tend to imagine hidden conspiracies behind the event. The thought of it being the result of a chain of unfortunate coincidences is too much to bear. However, recognising that it’s not just highly publicised tragedies that are the results of chains of coincidences goes a long way towards immunising you from believing conspiracy narratives. The fact that you’re reading these words for example is just as unlikely a result of an infinite chain of cause and effect as J.F. K’s assassination or the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The fact that you live as the person you are is similarly amazing. Does this mean that the Rothschilds ordered me to write this article and set you up? I’ll leave the answer with you.

Human imagination being as powerful as it is, anyone can be called an “evil genius”. Most recently, the Corona pandemic has been variously blamed on Bill Gates, the Chinese government and of course George Soros. Paradoxically, imagining that someone unleashed a natural disaster on the world makes them much more powerful than they actually are. If there really is a group of governments slaughtering hundreds of thousands of innocent people to establish the New World Order, how come they spare those brave individuals who reveal their plans to the public? While it is tempting to laugh at these people, their beliefs can result in violence and should be taken very seriously. The underdogs can only win if they fight harder and shout louder than the “sheeple”. The resulting tendency of conspiracy believers to populate worlds of their own and exchange views with fellow believers worldwide creates a vicious cycle of in-breeding and radicalisation. If we want to throw a wrench into that cycle we need to think about how to reach out to people who are immune to facts and seemingly too far gone. The good news is that there is a rich scientific literature on how to reverse the momentum towards radicalisation and help people moderate their beliefs.

Reaching Out to Believers

What we need most when dealing with conspiracy narratives is humility. No matter how crazy they sound, we need to be humble if we want to be effective. In their brilliant book on “How to Have Impossible Conversations”[5] Peter Boghossian and James Lindsay show that trying to change someone else’s mind on the spot rarely ever works. This is even more so when dealing with people who have centred their entire world around conspiracy narratives. Instead of trying to uproot and replace their entire identity within 10 minutes, we should aim to simply plant the seeds of doubt. If you succeed in making someone less certain that a narrative is true, you have already managed to break the cycle of radicalisation. That person will think about those doubts in his own time, slowly but steadily eroding the foundations of whatever narrative he once used to believe in unquestioningly. Sooner or later, maybe after another round of talking, they will come around. If they do, it is not because you changed their minds. It is because you made it easy for them to change their own minds. Choosing to help people instead of exposing them might get you fewer likes, but it works.   

The most important point to bear in mind is that people who believe conspiracy narratives are still people. Remembering this, no matter how insane someone sounds, is absolutely key. You don’t know the personal stories of the people you’re talking to. It is common that people slide down the conspiracy narrative rabbit-hole as a direct result of some personal tragedy. Going through tough times makes us more susceptible to manipulation, especially in the absence of a strong social safety net. Treating people who have taken a wrong turn with respect and kindness is necessary if you want to have a shot at engaging them at all. If, on the other hand, they feel ridiculed and insulted you might as well stop wasting your time.

It’s because connecting on a human level is so important that social-media platforms are uniquely ill-suited for such conversations. Nowhere else is changing your mind so difficult and painful. When everyone is focussed on screaming and embarrassing each other, beliefs harden. Instead, the best way to approach conspiracy believers is old fashioned real-world dialogue.

We all have friends or relatives who enjoy announcing their latest ingenious “theories” to those gathered around. Instead of limiting ourselves to the inevitable awkward silence, we might look for an opportunity to catch up with them afterwards. If you really care about them, you should take their beliefs seriously and intervene before they radicalise any further. Make a point of listening to them. There’s no way you’ll understand where they come from by telling them about yourself. If your aim is to make it easy for them to moderate their beliefs, you need to do the work of paving them a way out of the quagmire they are stuck in. You pave this path by asking genuine questions and listening. Find out how they think and spot the weakest links in their chain of reasoning. Make sure they feel understood and talk to them from the perspective of someone “on their team”. You can use factual inconsistencies and logical non-sequiturs to carefully introduce doubt by asking the right questions. When you feel like you’ve given them enough to chew on, switch the topic of the conversation. It is now up to them to digest the doubts you planted in their minds.

Valuing patience and personal connection, this approach works only on a small scale and offline. It aims at guiding people who have gone off-track back onto our common map of reality. With time and empathy, we might be able to show them that life is exciting enough even without the Illuminati. The question we need to ask ourselves really is: do we just want to enjoy the spectacle, or are we actually going to do something about the rise of conspiracy narratives?


[1] https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/theory

[2] Bro-science has yet to take its rightful place in academia.

[3] https://blogs.chapman.edu/wilkinson/2016/10/11/what-arent-they-telling-us/

[4] http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/middle_ages/blackdisease_01.shtml

https://www.discoverwalks.com/blog/paris/7-facts-about-the-black-death-of-1348-in-paris/

[5] How to Have Impossible Conversations: A Very Practical Guide, Da Capo Lifelong Books (September 17, 2019)

Reflections on The Anti-Christ

How a poem shows the value of cherishing your doubts.

Have a read through this poem and think about what comes to mind as you read it:

The Anti-Christ

“He comes from the mountain, he stands in the grove!

Our own eyes have seen it: the wine that he wove

From water, the corpses he wakens.”

O could you but hear it, at midnight my laugh:

My hour is striking; come step in my trap;

Now into my net stream the fishes.

The masses mass madder, both numbskull and sage;

They root up the arbours, they trample the grain;

Make way for the new Resurrected.

I’ll do for you everything heaven can do.

A hair-breadth is lacking – your gape too confused

To sense that your senses are stricken.

I make it all facile, the rare and the earned;

Here’s something like gold (I create it from dirt)

And something like scent, sap, and spices –

And what the great prophet himself never dared:

The art without sowing to reap out of air

The powers still lying fallow.

The Lord of the Flies is expanding his realm;

All treasures, all blessings are swelling his might . . .

Down, down with the handful who doubt him!

Cheer louder, you dupes of the ambush of hell;

What’s left of life-essence, you squander its spells

And only on doomsday feel paupered.

You’ll hang out your tongues, but the trough has been drained;

You’ll panic like cattle whose farm is ablaze . . .

And dreadful the blast of the trumpet.

If you are anything like me, reading these lines conjured up black and white images of 20th century dictators holding speeches in front of hypnotised masses. What’s eerie about this poem is that Stefan George wrote it in 1907, before any of these dictators came to power (its original title is “Der Widerchrist”). In 1907 the world was, for the most part, ruled by colonial empires which were, for the most part, ruled by hereditary monarchs. Yet, the poet sensed something that all later generations relate to in their own way. This is a piece of poetry that felt prescient ever since it was written.

Inevitably, what you think about it will reflect what is going on in the world around you. The analogies you draw, the message you think it conveys, will be coloured by today’s headlines. Right after WW1 readers might have drawn parallels between the poem’s apocalyptic imagery and the senselessness of a conflict that had started with cheering crowds seeing off a generation of young men to their doom. A few decades later, and the rise of Communism in Russia and the ascendant Fascist movements might have come to mind. Throughout the Cold War and even today, there has never been a shortage of such analogies. The poem’s continuing relevance begs the question: what is this Anti-Christ, and why does it refuse to disappear?

George’s Anti-Christ, speaking personally, spells out his plan with striking candour, creating a sense of inevitability. Reading the poem feels like watching a thriller with shots alternating between the meticulous preparation of a terrorist attack by an evil genius, and the relatively incompetent reactions of the “good guys”. We know ahead of time that they will fail to prevent disaster, but cannot do anything about it. Intoxicated the people fail to see the abyss until it is too late. The images of bombed out cities and the stories of survivors inevitably come to mind. What is it that makes people shut their eyes and close their minds until their own backyard catches fire? We need to identify the driving forces of what we might call Fanaticism. They need to be identified so that the social equivalent of drunk-driving can be stopped in time. The great Italian author Umberto Eco in his famous essay on the origins of Fascism[1] noted a number of features that characterise Fanaticism in general. As he writes, the presence of one such feature suffices for others to coagulate around it. The seemingly pre-planned process by which Fanaticism takes over groups and societies in reality gathers momentum like a mindless avalanche. At its root we can identify a feature that functions as the fertile ground on which Fanaticism thrives with toxic ferocity: an irrational belief in an absolute truth.

We don’t need to consult history books to find confirmation of this. Switch on your TVs (or go on YouTube) and you’ll see everything from Islamist terrorists creating a real-life Kalifate to hasten the end of the world, to Neo-Nazis hoping to start a race war. Neither the Skinhead nor his fellow Fanatic, the Jihadist, has the shadow of a doubt that his beliefs are correct. Acting under the firmly held assumption that they have received an ultimate truth, they reject debate and critical thinking. When the National Socialist Party entered the Reichstag in 1928 Joseph Goebbels, with a revealing clarity that rivals George’s Anti-Christ, wrote: “We come as enemies. As the wolf attacks the sheep, so come we.” Why participate in a debate, if you know that there’s nothing to be learned from the get-go? A willingness to compromise or even to critically think are not merely frowned upon, but considered treasonous. Having a diversity of opinions and vibrant public discourse might seem beneficial if you accept the possibility of improving your knowledge. If, on the other hand, you believe yourself to be engaged in a struggle for power, a war of those knowing the truth against the sleazy purveyors of falsehood, diversity within your ranks starts to look like retreat, cowardice and defeat.

Looking at the world and all areas of human achievement through the lens of a war-like struggle is another feature of Fanatics and follows directly from their irrational belief in knowing the definitive truth. The world around them being deeply corrupt and hostile, they cannot but draw a sharp distinction between themselves and the rest. Either you are a believer, or you’ll go to hell. Either you are an Aryan, or you should leave “our” country. Purity within the group must be maintained at all costs, in order to succeed in fighting an enemy that enjoys a vast superiority in resources[2].  Violence against whoever stands in a Fanatic’s way can be justified if it is permitted or commanded by their absolutely held beliefs. Only fanatic conviction allows human beings to target defenceless civilians and claim to be in the right. The less doubt one harbours, the further up the hierarchy one rises. Just as their world-view follows from their irrationally held beliefs, so a kind of elitism follows from their world-view.

Using one criterion (e.g. faith, ideology, ethnicity or class) to determine peoples’ status, fanatic groups go about constructing social hierarchies. Their obsession with this criterion means that they cannot but continue the search for an ideal within their group. The tendency to construct social hierarchies seems to be near universal, but fanatics substitute compliance with their set of beliefs for virtues like merit and competence. Those who openly oppose their beliefs stand outside their hierarchy and need to be shut up. Everyone of indeterminate conviction and all positive fanatics however occupy some status on the in-group hierarchy. The elites within that hierarchy are simply those who most closely exemplify whichever value happens to be the group’s lode-star. Since that value is taken to be the definitive highest good, whoever comes closest to perfectly manifesting it deserves higher status. In the Third Reich, for example, party members were supposed to make up one-tenth of the total population. Membership of the party thereby functioned as a first step up the hierarchy. Further up, the SS was intended to be the racial vanguard of the Aryan Reich. Ongoing conflict being a necessary consequence of the irrational belief in having received the absolute truth, the purging of those deemed different enough takes on ever more extreme forms. Those who most diverge from the ideal will always be considered obstacles on the way towards the establishment of an earthly paradise. The moment they are removed, another set of people now occupies their spot on the lowest rung of the ladder and risks being swept aside. If this looks like a never-ending cycle, that’s because there really is no obvious end to it. There is no shortage of examples to illustrate this point, but consider the process of radicalization that followed the French Revolution or the shift of power towards the SS that began with its formation and lasted until the end of the war.  It is difficult to grasp just how powerful the compulsive search for enemies can be, but reading about the fate of the kulaks (property-owning peasants) in the supposed farmers’ paradise[3] will give you a rough indication. The vicious cycles of purification, one might even say purging, that begin with an irrational conviction, and continue even within the groups themselves, function as an engine for the evils of Fanaticism. If it is not in power, it fights against the system from the outside. Once it has gained control of the system it supercharges the purging of those deemed different enough, until the entire edifice comes crushing down on the Fanatics’ (and more often than not, everyone else’s) heads.

It goes without saying, that Fanaticism is irreconcilable with liberal democracy. Where liberal democracy thrives on diversity of opinion and civic debate, Fanaticism relies on uniformity and single-minded loyalty. Where liberal democracy empowers citizens to speak for themselves, Fanaticism styles itself the interpreter of the Will of the People. Where liberal democracy provides rules to protect openness, Fanaticism attempts to undermine, abuse and ultimately abolish it. If this seems too abstract, go read “The Gulag Archipelago” or “Man’s Search for Meaning” – these books will make this point so relatable that your hair will stand up. The consequences of letting Fanaticism go unchallenged extend to all areas of our lives. We cannot wait for bands of brownshirts to rampage through the streets before we wake up to the threat. We need to open our eyes now. We need to become more aware of Fanaticism’s early signs and counter them with our own behaviour every day.

Fanaticism clouds our ability to see reality as it is. The harder we draw the line between “us” and “them”, the more unquestioning our obedience to a set of ideological tenets, the less charitable our view of others- the more likely we are to be sleepwalking into disaster. The Anti-Christ, although powerfully portrayed in our poem as a person, is not any single person or ideology (and definitely not a goat sitting on a throne in the ninth circle of hell. What leads us down to hell on earth is the kind of Fanaticism that has far too often since 1907 lead to unspeakable suffering. It does not have a will of its own, but its features are mutually reinforcing and attract each other. The longer one waits, the harder it gets to turn back the tide, and the more it feels like the whole process must be unfolding according to some evil master-plan. All this means that the early warning signs are key. Do you catch yourself thinking that there is nothing someone could do or say that would make you distrust them? Are you sometimes convinced that no matter what someone else says, it must be intended to harm you? When was the last time you’ve changed your mind on something you really care about? These are questions that we should be asking ourselves more frequently. Similarly, asking which public figures thrive on polarisation, do not tolerate dissent and cultivate an image of infallibility might be the best way to nib our own tendencies towards self-destruction in the bud. If we keep questioning ourselves and our leaders, if we work hard on finding common ground and if we learn to cherish our doubts, we might avoid rushing into that ambush after all.


[1] Eco, Ur-Fascism: https://www.pegc.us/archive/Articles/eco_ur-fascism.pdf

[2] Al Quaeda, for example, uses questionnaires for prospective members: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/people/osama-bin-ladens-unusual-hr-style-revealed-in-al-qaeda-employee-questionnaire-10267498.html

[3] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kulak